KAUAI PART 3 FORNANDER, UTILIZING MALU AND KAMAKAU.

village and at the foot of the Pali.1 Here the grand ceremony of acknowledging Cook as an incarnation of Lono, to be worshiped as such, and his installation, so to say, in the Hawaiian Pantheon took place. The scene is so vividly described by Captain King, that I need not apologise for its repetition here. Captain King says:2—

"Before I proceed to relate the adoration that was paid to Captain Cook, and the peculiar ceremonies with which he was received on this fatal island, it will be necessary to describe the Morai, situated, as I have already mentioned, at the south side of the beach at Kakooa (Kealakeakua). It was a square solid pile of stones, about forty yards long, twenty broad, and fourteen in height.3 The top was flat and well paved, and surrounded by a wooden rail, on which were fixed the skulls of the captives sacrificed on the death of their chiefs. In the centre of the area stood a ruinous old building of wood, connected with the rail on each side by a stone wall, which divided the whole space into two parts. On the side next the country were five poles, upward of twenty feet high, supporting an irregular kind of scaffold; on the opposite side toward the sea, stood two small houses with a covered communication.

"We were conducted by Koah to the top of this pile by an easy ascent leading from the beach to the northwest corner of the area. At the entrance we saw two large wooden images, with features violently distorted, and a long piece of carved wood of a conical form inverted, rising from the top of their heads; the rest was without form, and wrapped round with red cloth. We were here met by a tall young man with a long beard, who presented Captain Cook to the images, and after

1 The name of this Heiau is Kikian. a Vol. iii. p. 6.

It was sacred to Lono, and its ruins s It was one of the ancient Heians,

may still be seen. By a not uncom- of a truncated pyramidal form, that

mon esprit de corps, its priests were the obtained before the southern migra

firmest and most constant believers in tory period.—The Author. Captain Cook's identity with Lono.

chanting a kind of hymn, in which he was joined by Koah, they led us to that end of the Morai where the five poles were fixed. At the foot of them were twelve images ranged in a semicircular form, and before the middle figure stood a high stand or table, exactly resembling the Whatta of Otaheiti, on which lay a putrid hog, and under it pieces of sugar-cane, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, plantains, and sweet potatoes. Koah having placed the Captain under the stand, took down the hog and held it toward him; and after having a second time addressed him in a long speech, pronounced with much vehemence and rapidity, he let it fall on the ground and led him to the scaffolding, which they began to climb together not without great risk of falling. At this time we saw coming in solemn procession, at the entrance of the top of the Morai, ten men carrying a live hog and a large piece of red cloth. Being advanced a few paces, they stopped and prostrated themselves; and Kaireekeea, the young man above mentioned, went to them, and receiving the cloth, carried it to Koah, who wrapped it round the Captain, and afterwards offered him the hog, which was brought by Kaireekeea with the same ceremony.

"Whilst Captain Cook was aloft in this awkward situation, swathed round with red cloth, and with difficulty keeping his hold amongst the pieces of rotten scaffolding, Kaireekeea and Koah began their office, chanting sometimes in concert and sometimes alternately. This lasted a considerable time; at length Koah let the hog drop, when he and the Captain descended together. He then led him to the images before mentioned, and having said something to each in a sneering tone, snapping his fingers at them as he passed, he brought him to that in the centre, which, from its being covered with red cloth, appeared to be in greater estimation than the rest. Before this figure he prostrated himself and kissed it, desiring Captain Cook to do the same, who suffered himself to be directed by Koah throughout the whole of this ceremony.

"We were now led back to the other division of the Moral, where there was a space, ten or twelve feet square, sunk about three feet below the level of the area. Into this we descended, and Captain Cook was seated between two wooden idols, Koah supporting one of his arms, whilst I was desired to support the other. At this time arrived a second procession of natives, carrying a baked hog and a pudding, some bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, and other vegetables. When they approached us, Kaireekeea put himself at their head-, and presenting the pig to Captain Cook in the usual manner, began the same kind of chant as before, his companions making regular responses. We observed that after every response their parts became gradually shorter, till, toward the close, Kaireekeea's consisted of only two or three words, which the rest answered by the word Orono.

"When this offering was concluded, which lasted a quarter of an hour, the natives sat down fronting us, and began to cut up the baked hog, to peel the vegetables and break the cocoa-nuts; whilst others employed themselves in brewing the Awa, which is done by chewing it in the same manner as at the Friendly Islands. Kaireekeea then took part of the kernel of a cocoa-nut, which he chewed, and wrapping it in a piece of cloth, rubbed with it the Captain's face, head, hands, arms, and shoulders. The Awa was then handed round, and after we had tasted it, Koah and Pareea began to pull the flesh of the hog in pieces, and to put it into our mouths. I had no great objection to being fed by Pareea, who was very cleanly in his person, but Captain Cook, who was served by Koah, recollecting the putrid hog, could not swallow a morsel; and his reluctance, as may be supposed, was not diminished when the old man, according to his own mode of civility, had chewed it for him.

"When this last ceremony was finished, which Captain Cook put an end to as soon as he decently could, we quitted the Morai, after distributing amongst the people some pieces of iron and other trifles, with which they seemed highly gratified. The men with wands conducted us to the boats, repeating the same words as before. The people again retired, and the few that remained prostrated themselves as we passed along the shore. We immediately went on board, our minds full of what we had seen, and extremely well satisfied with the good dispositions of our new friends. The meanings of the various ceremonies with which we had been received, and which, on account of their novelty and singularity, have been related at length, can only be the subject of conjectures, and those uncertain and partial; they were, however, without doubt, expressive of high respect on the part of the natives; and, so far as related to the person of Captain Cook, they seemed approaching to adoration."

In another place1 Captain King, relating Captain Cook's visit to the habitations of the priests in the neighbourhood of the observatory, says:—

"On his arrival at the beach, he was conducted to a sacred building called Harre-no-Orono, or the house of Orono, and seated before the entrance, at the foot of a wooden idol, of the same kind with those on the Morai. I was here again made to support one of his arms, and after wrapping him in red cloth, Kaireekeea, accompanied by twelve priests, made an offering of a pig with the usual solemnities. The pig was then strangled, and a fire being kindled, it was thrown into the embers; and after the hair was singed off, it was again presented, with a repetition of the chanting, in the manner before described. The dead pig was then held for a short time under the Captain's nose, after which it was laid, with a cocoa-nut, at his feet, and the performers sat down. The awa was then brewed and handed round, a fat hog, ready dressed, was brought in, and we were fed as before.

"During the rest of the time that we remained in the bay, whenever Captain Cook came on shore he was

1 Pp. 13-is.

VOL. II. M

attended by one of those priests, who went before him, giving notice that the Orono had landed, and ordering the people to prostrate themselves. The same person also constantly accompanied him on the water, standing in the bow of the boat with a wand in his hand, and giving notice of his approach to the natives, who were in canoes, on which they immediately left off paddling, and lay down on their faces till he had passed. Whenever he stopped at the observatory, Kaireekeea and his brothers immediately made their appearance with hogs, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruit, &c, and presented them with the usual solemnities. It was on these occasions that some of the inferior chiefs frequently requested to be permitted to make an offering to the Orono. When this was granted, they presented the hog themselves, generally with evident marks of fear on their countenances, whilst Kaireekeea and the priests chanted their accustomed hymns.1

"The civilities of this society2 were not, however, con

i One of the formulated prayers noa!" Which may be translated as

or addresses with which the priests follows:—" O Lono in heaven! you

and others generally accosted Captain of the many shapes (or beings). The

Cook in his character of Lono has long cloud, the short cloud, the cloud

been preserved by Kamakua, and I just peeping (over the horizon), the

insert it here :—" Ou mau Kino e wide-spreading cloud, the contracted

Lono i ka lani. He ao loa, he ao cloud in the heaven, (coming) from

poko, he ao kiei, he ao halo, he ao TJliuli, from Melemele, from Kahiki,

hoopu-a i ka lani, mai TJliuli, mai from Ulunui, from Hakalauai, from

Melemele, mai Kahiki, mai Ulunui, the country of Lono situated in the

mai Haehae, mai Omaokuululu, mai upper regions, in the high heavens,

Hakalauai, mai ka aina o Lono i in proper order, in the famous order

wahi aku ai i ka lewa nuu, i ka lewa of Leka. O Lalohana, O Olepuu-ka

lani, i ka papa ku, i ka papa kukui honua; Eh Ku, Eh Lono, Eh Kane,

a Leka—O Lalohana,—O Olepuu- Eh Kanaloa, Eh the god from Apa

kahonua. E Ku, E Lono, E Kane, palani of Apapanuu, from Kahiki

E Kanaloa, E ke Akua mai ka Apa- east, from Kahiki west, here is the

palani o ka Apapanuu, mai Kahiki- sacrifice, here is the offering. Pre

ku, a Kahiki-moe, eia ka mohai, eia serve the chief, preserve the worship

ka alana; E ola i ke Alii, E ola i na pers, and establish the day of light

pulapula, a kau a kau i ke ao mala- on the floating earth! Amen.*

malama ia lana honua. Amama, ua 2 The priests.

* The phrase, "Amama, ua noa," invariably used at the conclusion of every Hawaiian heathen prayer, corresponds, in so far, to the Christian Amen. Literally it means "it is offered, the tabu is taken off," or the ceremony is ended.

fined to mere ceremony and parade. Our party on shore received from them every day a constant supply of hogs and vegetables, more than sufficient for our subsistence, and several canoes loaded with provisions were sent to the ships with the same punctuality. No return was ever demanded, or even hinted at in the most distant manner. Their presents were made with a regularity more like the discharge of a religious duty than the effect of mere liberality; and when we inquired at whose charge all this munificence was displayed, we were told it was at the expense of a great man called Kaoo, the chief of the priests, and grandfather to Kaireekeea, who was at that time absent attending the king of the island."

After these detailed accounts of the reception of Cook by the chiefs, priests, and common people, there can be no doubt that, so far as the latter were concerned, they looked upon him as a god, an "Akua"1 possessed of hitherto unknown and terrible powers of destruction, and of an inexhaustible mine of that metal which they so highly coveted, accompanied by a crew of wonderful beings, "Kupueu," of different colour, speech, and customs than their own, who had come from another and unknown world, " Mai ka lewa mai." Coming to them from over the sea, and apparently having the thunder and the lightning at his command, no wonder that the natives regarded Captain Cook as an avatar of the great Lononoho-ik a-wai of their religious creed, whose attributes may be found described in the chant of the deluge (see vol. i. pp. 93, 94), and their adoration was as natural as it was spontaneous, and their gifts " more like the discharge of a religious duty," as Captain King expresses it. But that

1 It should be borne in mind that also, as Judge Andrews says in his to the heathen Hawaiian the word Hawaiian Dictionary, "applied to Akua did not convey the same lofty artificial objects, the nature and proidea as the word God or Deity does perties of which Hawaiians did not to the Christian. To the Hawaiians understand, as the movement of a the word Akua expressed the idea of watch, a compass, the self-striking of any supernatural being, the object of a clock, &c." For etymology of the fear or of worship. This term was word Akua, see Appendix, No. 4.

Captain Cook should have permitted himself to foster and keep up that delusion into which the natives had naturallyfallen, by complacently receiving and assisting at the adoration which he must have perceived and known was only intended for the Divine Being, however gross the native conception of that Being might have been, that i3 the great blot which some of Cook's critics, native and foreign, Malo, Dibble, and Jarves, have thrown upon his character, and, penetrating the designs of Providence, they have not failed to consider his violent death as an act of Divine punishment.

Can nothing be said for Captain Cook against this terrible charge of self-deification?

That intelligent men, writing long after the event, when the religious customs and modes of thought of the natives were well understood and their intentions in the matter were well known, would not have lent themselves to "perform a part in this heathen farce," as Jarves calls it, is perfectly intelligible; but that, before giving their verdict, they should not have been able to place themselves in the position of Cook, who was ignorant of those customs and modes of thought, and naturally enough construed their intentions as those of goodwill, respect, and friendship, is a lamentable defect in a critic, the more so when the object of his criticism is dead and cannot reply to the charge, and has left no materials for his friends from which to argue what his own construction of the affair might have been. To Captain King, who seems to have been not only a kinder man but also a gentleman of finer susceptibilities than Captain Cook, these ceremonies "seemed approaching to adoration," though he had no doubt that on the part of the natives they were " expressive of high respect;" and so little did even he perceive the blasphemous act of self-deification in what transpired, that he actually took an active part in the performance, not exactly understanding "the meaning of the various ceremonies," but certainly not apprehending that a damaging judgment would be passed upon Captain Cook or himself for so doing.

If we now look back to p. 161, and see what Cook himself says of his reception on Kauai, we find that he had been the recipient of " much the same ceremonies on such occasions at the Society and other islands." To him, then, this prostration of bodies, offerings of pigs, chanting of hymns, Sat., of which he understood nothing, were no new things, for he had seen them on Kauai and elsewhere, and, though details might vary, they were substantially "much the same," and to him they were apparently only significant of respect and friendship.

"The apology of expediency," which Jarves1 says has been offered, has then no room in the argument. It was never offered by Cook or King, and its admission would imply a consciousness of the infraction of a moral duty in that respect which neither Cook nor King were ever conscious of or ever admitted. Captain Cook committed several errors in his intercourse with the natives, and their consequences proved fatal to him; but I think that a candid posterity, judging him as his contemporaries would have judged him, will acquit him of a wilful assumption of divine honours or of a conscious participation in his own deification.

The native accounts relate what Captain Cook apparently was not aware of, viz., that when the ships arrived at Kealakeakua, the bay was under a tabu, the festival days connected with the ancient celebration of the new year not having as yet expired. But as his fame had preceded him throughout the group, and Cook himself was looked upon as a god (an Akua) and his ships as temples (Heiau), the priests and chiefs who governed in the bay in the absence of Kalaniopuu proclaimed an exception to the tabu in the matter of the ships of the newcomers—a lucky thought, a well-timed compromise to gratify their curiosity and soothe their consciences; for most assuredly

1 History of the Hawaii Islands, p. 54.

without some such arrangement not a single canoe would have dared to ripple the quiet waters of the bay.

The business of recruiting the ships, caulking their sides, erecting an observatory ashore, salting pork for ships' stores, mending sails, &c, was now proceeded with, and every assistance the natives possibly could give was unhesitatingly and liberally given.

On the 24th January Kalaniopuu returned from Maui, and one of his first acts was to put a tabu on the bay, no canoes being allowed to leave the beach. All that day no vegetables were brought on board as usual. After a week of feasting and plenty, a day of fasting caused considerable disappointment and irritation among the ships' companies. As a specimen of the inconsiderate and overbearing manner in which the foreigners returned the unbounded liberality and kindness of the natives when their wants and desires were in the least crossed, the following remarks of Captain King may illustrate. After mentioning the fact of the tabu having been laid on the bay, he says1— "The next morning, therefore, they (the ships' crews) endeavoured, both by threats and promises, to induce the natives to come alongside; and as some of them were at last venturing to put off, a chief was observed attempting to drive them away. A musquet was immediately fired over his head to make him desist, which had the desired effect, and refreshments were soon after purchased as usual. In the afternoon Tereeoboo" (Kalaniopuu) " arrived, and visited the ships in a private manner, attended only by one canoe, in which were his wife and children. He stayed on board till near ten o'clock, when he returned to the village of Kowrowa" (Kaawaloa).

On the 26th January Kalaniopuu made a formal state visit to the ships, and I again quote from Captain King:—

"About noon, the king, in a large canoe, attended by two others, set out from the village, and paddled toward the ships in great state. Their appearance was grand and

1 Vol. iii. p. 16.

magnificent. In the first canoe was Tereeoboo and his chiefs, dressed in their rich feathered cloaks and helmets, and armed with long spears and daggers; in the second came the venerable Kaoo,1 the chief of the priests, and his brethren, with their idols displayed on red cloth. These idols were busts of a gigantic size, made of wickerwork, and curiously covered with small feathers of various colours, wrought in the same manner with their cloaks. Their eyes were made of large pearl-oysters, with a black nut fixed in the centre; their mouth3 were set with a double row of the fangs of dogs, and, together with the rest of their features, were strangely distorted. The third canoe was filled with hogs and various sorts of vegetables. As they went along, the priests in the centre canoe sung their hymns with great solemnity; and after paddling round the ships, instead of going on board, as was expected, they made toward the shore at the beach where we were stationed.

"As soon as I saw them approaching, I ordered out our little guard to receive the king; and Captain Cook, perceiving that he was going on shore, followed him, and arrived nearly at the same time. We conducted them into the tent, where they had scarcely been seated, when the king rose up, and in a very graceful manner threw over the Captain's shoulders the cloak he himself wore, put a feathered helmet upon his head, and a curious fan into his hand. He also spread at his feet five or six other cloaks, all exceedingly beautiful and of the greatest value. His attendants then brought four very large hogs, with sugar-canes, cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit; and this part of the ceremony was concluded by the king's exchanging names with Captain Cook, which amongst all the islanders

1 As the native testimony is con- another name or sobriquet of Holoae,

current and clear that Holoae was given to the foreigners instead of the

the high-priest of Kalaniopuu, at ordinary and well-known Holoae.

least during the latter years of his Such transpositions and changes of

reign, and attended him in his expe- names in the same person were and

ditions to Maui in 1776-78, it is are of frequent occurrence, possible that Kaoo might have bee

of the Pacific Ocean is esteemed the strongest pledge of friendship. A procession of priests, with a venerable old personage at their head, now appeared, followed by a long train of men leading large hogs, and others carrying plantains, sweet potatoes, &c By the looks and gestures of Kaireekeea, I immediately knew the old man to be the chief of the priests before mentioned, on whose bounty we had so long subsisted. He held a piece of red cloth in his hands, which he wrapped round Captain Cook's shoulders, and afterward presented him with a small pig in the usual form. A seat was then made for him next to the king, after which Kaireekeea and his followers began their ceremonies, Kaoo and the chiefs joining in the responses.

"I was surprised to see, in the person of this king, the same infirm and emaciated old man that came on board the 'Eesolution' when we were off the north-east side of the island of Mowee; and we soon discovered amongst his attendants most of the persons who at that time had remained with us all night. Of this number were the two younger sons of the king,1 the eldest of whom was sixteen years of age, and his nephew, Maiha-maiha,2 whom at first we had some difficulty in recollecting, his hair being plastered over with a dirty brown paste and powder, which was no mean heightening to the most savage face I ever beheld.

"As soon as the formalities of the meeting were over, Captain Cook carried Tereeoboo, and as many chiefs as the pinnace could hold, on board the ' Eesolution.' They were received with every mark of respect that could be shown them; and Captain Cook, in return for the feathered cloak, put a linen shirt on the king, and girt his own hanger round him. The ancient Kaoo and about half a dozen more old chiefs remained on shore, and took up their abode at the priests' houses. During all this time not a canoe was seen in the bay, and the natives

1 Keoua Kuahuula and Keoua Peeale, sona of Kalaniopuu and Kanekapolei. 2 Kamehameha.

either kept within their huts or lay prostrate on the ground. Before the king left the ' Resolution/ Captain Cook obtained leave for the natives to come and trade with the ships as usual; but the women, for what reason we could not learn,1 still continued under the effects of the tabu; that is, were'forbidden to stir from home or to have any communication with us."

When Captain Clarke of the "Discovery" paid his visit to Kalaniopuu on shore,2 he was received with the same formalities as were observed with Captain Cook, and on his coming away, though the visit was quite unexpected, he received a present of thirty large hogs, and as much fruit and roots as his crew could consume in a week.3

When the scientific members of the voyage started for an excursion into the interior of the island, we are told "that it afforded Kaoo a fresh opportunity of showing his attention and generosity. For as soon as he was informed of their departure, he sent a large supply of provisions after them, together with orders that the inhabitants of the country through which they were to pass should give them every assistance in their power. And to complete the delicacy and disinterestedness of his conduct, even the people he employed could not be prevailed on to accept the smallest present." *

Again, the day before their departure from the bay, Kalaniopuu gave them another large present of hogs and

1 The reason was not far to search, which he says took on Kauai. And

While the fame of Cook had spread when it was left to the sovereign of

throughoutthe group, the disease con- the island to protect his people as

nected with his arrival at Kauai had best he could, his act, instead of

also spread; and when Kalaniopuu, awakening reflection and suggesting

on his return from Maui, found the the cause, became a subject of won

women received by hundreds at a der. Neither Cook nor King seem to

time on board the ships, he took the have felt the quiet rebuke implied

only course left him, though, alas! by the tabu being laid on the women,

too late to restrict the evil. It is 3 When at Kaawaloa, Kalaniopuu

somewhat remarkable that on his dwelt at Awili in Keaweaheulu's place

arrival at Hawaii, neither Cook nor on Hanamua.

King make the slightest mention of * Vol. iii. p. 22.

having taken any similar precautions 4 Ibid, against the spreading of the disease,

vegetables. Captain King says, "We were astonished at the value and magnitude of this present, which far exceeded everything of the kind we had seen, either at the Friendly or Society Islands."1

And how did Captain Cook requite this boundless hospitality, that never once made default during his long stay of seventeen days in Kealakeakua Bay, these magnificent presents of immense value, this delicate and spontaneous attention to his every want, this friendship of the chiefs and priests, this friendliness of the common people? By imposing on their good nature to the utmost limit of its ability to respond to the greedy and constant calls of their new friends; by shooting at one of the king's officers for endeavouring to enforce a law of the land, an edict of his sovereign that happened to be unpalatable to the newcomers, and caused them some temporary inconvenience after a week's profusion and unbridled license; by a liberal exhibition of his force, and the meanest display of his bounty; by giving the king a linen shirt and a cutlass in return for feather cloaks and helmets, which, irrespective of their value as insignia of the highest nobility in the land, were worth singly at least from five to ten thousand dollars, at present price of the feathers, not counting the cost of manufacturing; by a reckless disregard of the proprieties of ordinary intercourse, even between civilised and savage man, and a wanton insult to what he reasonably may have supposed to have been the religious sentiments of his hosts.2

1 Vol. iii. p. 29. found myself mistaken. Not the

1 Captain Cook being in want of slightest surprise was expressed at

fuel for the ships, sent Captain King the application, aud the wood was

to "treat with the priests for the readily given, even without stipulat

purchase of the rail that surrounded ing for anything in return." But

the top of the Morai." King says when the sailors carried off, not only

(vol. iii. p. 25), "I had at first some the railing of the temple, but also the

doubt about the decency of this pro- idols of the gods within it, even the

posal, and was apprehensive that even large-hearted patience of Kaoo gave

the bare mention of it might be con- up, and he meekly requested that the

sidered by them as a piece of shock- central idol at least might be restored,

ing impiety. In this, however, I Captain King failed to perceive that

It is much to be regretted that no acts of kindness, benevolence, or sympathy, or any endeavours to ameliorate the material or mental condition of his generous hosts, have been recorded to relieve the dark, harsh, greedy, and imperious traits of Captain Cook's character, which his stay at Hawaii indelibly impressed on the memory of the natives. To them he was a god or the incarnation of a god, no doubt, but a god to be feared, not loved, and from whose further visits they devoutly prayed to be delivered. To use a common expression, he " wore out his welcome," a fact of which Captain Bang apparently became sensible when he wrote as follows:—

"Tereeoboo and his chiefs had for some days past been very inquisitive about the time of our departure. This circumstance had excited in me a great curiosity to know what opinion this people had formed of us, and what were their ideas respecting the cause and object of our voyage. I took some pains to satisfy myself on these points, but could never learn anything further than that they imagined we came from some country where provisions had failed, and that our visit to them was merely for the purpose of filling our bellies. Indeed, the meagre appearance of some of our crew, the hearty appetites with which we sat down to their fresh provisions, and our great anxiety to purchase and carry off as much as we were able, led them naturally enough to such a conclusion. To these may be added a circumstance which puzzled them exceedingly, our having no women with us, together with our quiet conduct and unwarlike appearance. It

the concession of the priests was that they exhibited no resentment at the

of a devotee to his saint. The priests request, the want of delicacy and

would not sell their religious emblems consideration on the part, of Captain

and belongings for "thirty pieces of Cook is none the less glaring. After

silver " or any remuneration, but they his death, and when the illusion of

were willing to offer up the entire godship had subsided, his spoliation

Eeiau, and themselves on the top of of the very Heiau in which he had

it, as a holocaust to Lono, if he had been deified, was not one of the lenst

requested it. So long as Cook was of the grievances which native aimal

regarded as a god in their eyes, they ists laid up against him. could not refuse him. And though

was ridiculous enough to see them stroking the sides and patting the bellies of the sailors (who were certainly much improved in the sleekness of their looks during our short stay in the island), and telling them, partly by signs and partly by words, that it was time for them to go, but if they would come again the next bread-fruit season, they should be better able to supply their wants. We had now been sixteen days in the bay, and if our enormous consumption of hogs and vegetables be considered, it need not be wondered that they should wish to see us take our leave. It is very probable, however, that Tereeoboo had no other view in his inquiries at present than a desire to make sufficient preparation for dismissing us with presents suitable to the respect and kindness with which lie had received us. For, on our telling him that we should leave the island on the next day but one, we observed that a sort of proclamation was immediately made through the villages, to require the people to bring in their hogs and vegetables for the king to present to the Orono on his departure."

On the 4th of February 1779, the ships being ready, Cook left Kealakeakua Bay to visit and explore the leeward side of the group. When abreast of Kawaihae Bay, on February 6th, which Captain King writes " Too-yahyah," he says that they saw "to the north-east several fine streams of water,"1 and a boat was sent ashore to look for an anchorage, but could not find any suitable watering-place.

On the 8th of February the ships encountered a gale,

1 Captain Vancouver, if I remem- must have been an ordinary feature ber correctly, also speaks of streams of the landscape. It is possible that of running water in the neighbour- since that time unrecorded earthhood of Kawaihae. I am not aware quakes and the terribly wasteful of any stream now coming down to destruction of the forests in the the seashore, unless in extraordinary interior may have diverted and dried heavy freshets; and as no extra- up the streams that fertilised the ordinary southerly storm occurred lower slopes of the Kohala mountains while the ships were lying at Keala- and gladdened the sight of transient keakua, those streams that Cook saw niviga.ors

during which the fishes of the fore masthead gave way, and it became necessary to seek a port where to repair the damage. After some consideration it was resolved to return to Kealakeakua, and on the nth February the ships anchored again in nearly their former position.

On this occasion their reception was not of that boisterous jubilant kind as on their former visit, an ominous silence reigned along the shore, and not a canoe came off to the ships. A boat sent ashore to inquire the reason, soon returned and informed Captain Cook that Kalaniopuu was absent and had left the bay under tabu. However, the injured mast wa.s sent ashore, carpenters and sailmakers set to work, the observatory erected anew on the ground formerly occupied on the south side of the bay. The priests still remained friendly, and, for the protection of the workmen and their tools, tabued the place where they were at work.

There can be no doubt that during the absence of the ships reflection had sobered the judgment of the natives, and measurably cooled their enthusiasm. When the excitement of the novelty had subsided, it was found that the visit of Lono and his crews had been a tremendous drain on their , alimentary resources, for which their only equivalents were some scraps of iron, a few hatchets and knives. But another, and perhaps a principal, reason of their waning friendliness is probably correctly expressed by the native historian, D. Malo, when he says, "The long and amorous intercourse of the foreigners with the women, and the great liking which some of the women had taken to the foreigners, was the reason why the men became opposed to Lono and his whole crew of foreigners." Another fact tended not a little to weaken the dread with which the natives had at first beheld the foreigners— the death from sickness and funeral on shore of one of the seamen. However firm their opinion might have been about Cook and his being a god—the Lono of their ancient creed—yet it was evident that Lono's companions, however wonderful in other respects, were mortals like themselves, that could be reached by sickness and subdued by death. From such or similar mingled motives the conduct of the natives had become, if not actually hostile, yet troublesome and defiant. The return of the ships was not viewed with pleasure, and the ill-will of the natives, and their readiness to measure themselves with the foreigners in actual combat, did not wait long for an opportunity to manifest itself.

On the 12th of February Kalaniopww returned to the bay, the tabu was taken off, and he visited Captain Cook on board. It cannot now be positively known whether Kalaniopuu personally shared in the unfriendly and jealous feeling entertained by his subordinate chiefs and the common people. If he did, he knew how to dissemble; but it is due to the memory of Kalaniopim to state that no act of his has been recorded that would indicate that he was not as loyal and liberal on the second visit of Cook to the bay as on the first. The priests also remained friendly to Cook, to his officers and men, although their friendship was badly requited.

In the afternoon of the 13th February a watering-party belonging to the " Discovery " was interrupted and impeded by some of the chiefs, who had driven away the natives engaged in assisting the sailors to roll the casks to the shore. When informed of this, Captain King immediately went to the watering-place. On seeing him approach, the natives threw away the stones with which they had armed themselves. After remonstrating with the chiefs, they drove away the crowd that had collected at the prospect of an affray, and the watering-party were no more molested.

On the events which followed this first attempt of the natives to resist and defy the foreigners there are three independent sources of information. First, Captain King's continuation of Captain Cook's journal of the "Voyage to the Pacific Ocean," vol. iii.; second, Ledyard's Life, by Sparks; and, third, the native reminiscences as recorded by D. Malo, S. Dibble, and S. M. Kamakau. The main facts are the same with all these authorities, though each one supplies details that are omitted or unknown to the others. Captain King received his information, where he was not personally present, from Lieutenant Philips and others who accompanied Cook ashore on that ill-fated 14th of February. Ledyard professes to have been one of the company who went ashore with Cook, and was an eye-witness to the whole affray. Malo, Dibble, and Kamakau obtained their information from some of the high chiefs who were present at the time and formed the "Ai-alo" (court circle) of Kalaniopuu. There are a few discrepancies between King's and Ledyard's accounts, but they are not very material, and may be owing to want of correct information on the one part, and to exaggeration and a confused memory on the other, whose memoirs were only written years after the event.

Among these various versions of the same melancholy event and the causes that led to it, I prefer to follow the compilation of the native authorities as prepared by Eev. Sheldon Dibble in his " History of the Sandwich Islands," printed at Lahainaluna, 1843, aS the least inflated and probably most correct account that can now be obtained. Mr. Dibble says:—

"Some men of Captain Cook used violence to the canoe of a certain young chief whose name was Palea. The chief making resistance, was knocked down by one of the white men with a paddle.

"Soon after, Palea1 stole a boat from Captain Cook's

1 This was the same Palea who duringthenightaftertheabovefracas,

from the first had been the constant, the night of the 13th February, that

kind, and obliging friend of Captain the cutter of the "Discovery" was

Cook and all the foreigners, and who, stolen from her mooring, as King

only the day before Cook's death, himself admits, "by Falea's people,

had saved the crew of the pinnace of very probably in revenge for the blow

the "Resolution" from being stoned that had been given him," and not by

to death by the natives, exasperated Palea himself. The boat had been

at the brutal and insolent manner in taken to Onouli, a couple of miles

which Palea had been treated by an higher up the coast, and there broken

officer of the "Discovery." It was to pieces.

ship. The theft may be imputed to revenge, or to a desire to obtain the iron fastenings of the boat.

"Captain Cook commanded Kalaniopuu, the king of the island, to make search for the boat and restore it. The king could not restore it, for the natives had alreadybroken it in pieces to obtain the nails, which were to them the articles of the greatest value.

"Captain Cook came on shore with armed men to take the king on board, and to keep him there as security till the boat should be restored.

"In the meantime was acted the consummate folly and outrageous tyranny of placing a blockade upon a heathen bay, which the natives could not possibly be supposed either to understand or appreciate. The large cutter and two boats from the 'Discovery' had orders to proceed to the mouth of the bay, form at equal distances across, and prevent any communication by water from any other part of the island to the towns within the bay, or from within to those without.

"A canoe came from an adjoining district, bound within the bay. In the canoe were two chiefs of some rank, Kekuhaupio and Kalimu} The canoe was fired upon from one of the boats, and Kalimu was killed. Kekuhaupio made the greatest speed till he reached the place of the king, where Captain Cook also was, and communicated the intelligence of the death of the chief. The attendants of the king were enraged, and showed signs of hostility; but were restrained by the thought that Captain Cook was a god.2 At that instant a warrior, with a spear in his hand, approached Captain Cook, and was heard to say that the boats in the harbour had killed his brother, and

1 Keleuhaupio was the great warrior Kalimu was the brother of Palea, but

chief under Kalaniopuu who had I have been unable to trace their

instructed Kaniehameha in all the pedigree.

martial exercises of the time. He s King mentions that when Kal

was the son-in-law of the high-priest aniopuu manifested a willingness to

Holoae, and his daughter Kailipa- go onboard the "Resolution" with

kalua was the great-grandmother of Captain Cook, and his two younger

the present Hon. Airs. Fauahi Bishop, sons were already in the pinnace, Uis he 'would be revenged. Captain Cook, from his enraged appearance and that of the multitude, was suspicious of him, and fired upon him with his pistol. Then followed a scene of confusion, and in the midst of it Captain Cook being hit with a stone, and perceiving the man who threw it, shot him dead. He also struck a certain chief with his sword whose name was Kalaiirianokahoowaha} The chief instinctively seized Captain Cook with a strong hand, designing merely to hold him, and not to take his life, for he supposed him to be a god, and that he could not die. Captain Cook struggled to free himself from the grasp, and as he was about to fall uttered a groan. The people immediately exclaimed, 'He groans—he is not a god,' and instantly slew him. Such was the melancholy death of Captain Cook.

"Immediately the men in the boat commenced a deliberate fire upon the crowd. They had refrained in a measure before for fear of killing their captain. Many of the natives were killed. In vain did the ignorant natives hold up their frail leaf-mats to ward off the bullets. They seemed to imagine that it was the fire from the guns that was destructive, for they not only shielded themselves with mats, but took constant care to keep them wet. Soon round-shot from one of the ships was fired into the middle of the crowd, and both the thunder of the cannon and the effects of the shot operated so powerfully that it produced a precipitate retreat from the shore to the mountains.

"The body of Captain Cook was carried into the interior of the island, the bones secured according to their custom, and the flesh burnt in the fire. The heart, liver, &c, of

wife, whom King calls Kanee-Kab- seen hereafter that Kalola and her

areea, came along, and "with tears son Kiwalao were probably on Maui

and entreaties besought him not to at this time.

go on board." The lady's name was 1 He was also known by the name

Kanekapolei, referred to in a previous of Kanaina, and from him the late

note. S. M. Kamakau states that Charles Kanaina, father of the late

the lady was Kalola, another of King Luaalilo, received his name. Kalaniopuu's wives; but it will be

VOL. IL N

Captain Cook were stolen and eaten by some hungry children, who mistook them in the night for the inwards of a dog. The names of the children were Kupa, Mohoole, and Kaivxikokoole. These men are now all dead. The last of the number died two years since at the station of Lahaina. Some of the bones of Captain Cook were sent on board his ship, in compliance with the urgent demands of the officers, and some were kept by the priests as objects of worship."1

The other side of the bay, where the carpenters and sailmakers were at work, and where the observatory was erected, and where Captain King was in charge, shared also in the confusion, strife, and bloodshed which had been enacted at Kaawaloa.2 Protected by Kaoo and the priests, the injured mast, the instruments at the observatory, and the ships' artisans, returned on board unhurt. Negotiations were entered into for the recovery of the bodies or bones of Captain Cook and the four marines that had been killed in the affray at Kaawaloa, and the ships, finding their situation precarious, concluded to procure a supply of water and leave the bay. The watering, however, was not suffered to proceed unmolested. The throwing of stones by the natives was at first responded to by the musquets of the foreigners, by the guns from the ships, and finally by burning the village of Napoopoo,3 in which conflagration the houses of the friendly and faithful priests were destroyed.

"On the evening of the 18th February," Captain King writes, " a chief called Eappo,4 who had seldom visited us,

1 Or, as I have heard native autho- the highest rank. Of the merely

rities suggest, as objects of revenge, wounded no account was made,

for the purpose of making fish-hooks 3 A cocoa-nut tree is still standing

or arrow-heads of them. near the landing-place at Napoopoo

'King reports that he learned from whose trunk was pierced through and

some of the priests that seventeen through by one of the cannon-balls

natives were killed in the action at fired on this occasion. The hole made

Kaawaloa, where Cook fell, of whom by the ball has never closed up. A

five were chiefs, and that eight natives melancholy souvenir of Zone's visit,

were killed at the observatory at 4 I am unable to ascertain the pro

ftapoopoo, three of whom were of per name of this chief. Captain

King's orthography must be wrong.

but whom we knew to be a man of the very first consequence, came with presents from Tereeoboo to sue for peace. These presents were received, and he was dismissed with the same answer which had before been given, that until the remains of Captain Cook should be restored, no peace would be granted. We learned from this person that the flesh of all the bodies of our people, together with the bones of the trunks, had been burnt; that the limb bones of the marines had been divided among the inferior chiefs, and that those of Captain Cook had been disposed of in the following manner:—The head to a great chief called Kahoo-opeou,1 the hair to Maiamaia, and the legs, thighs, and arms to Tereeoboo."

The fact that Kamehameha was a party to the division of these sad relics of Captain Cook is of itself no proof that he was directly or indirectly a leader or a prominent actor in the fatal affray at Kaawaloa. But the careful historian will not fail to note what Captains Portlock and Dixon, who were the first foreigners that arrived at Hawaii after the death of Captain Cook, and who had been with Cook on his last disastrous voyage, say of Kamehameha; that he declined to visit their ships when anchored in Kealakeakua Bay, from apprehension that they had come to avenge the death of Captain Cook, in regard to which Portlock expressly says,2 that "Kamehameha took an active part in the unfortunate affray which terminated in the much-lamented death of Captain Cook." And again, in the "Voyage of John Meares," who visited the islands the next year after Captain Portlock, we are told that Kamehameha took no common pains to persuade Captain Douglas that Tereeoboo was poisoned

1I am equally unable to give the waii Islands," mentions that " Liho

correct name of this chief, unless, liho " (the son of Kamehameha I.) is

which is probable from his known said to have carried a portion of them

position as Kalaniopuu's generalis- (the bones of Cook) to England, and

aimo, it was Kekuhawpio above re- to have presented one of the sad

ferred to. "Maia-maia," who got relics to the widow of Cook,

the hair, is evidently Kamehameha. 2 Voyage Bound the World, by

Jiirves, in his "History of the Ha- Portlock, 1786, p. 61.

for having encouraged the natives to the murder of Captain Cook.1 What grounds Portlock had for the assertion that he makes are not stated. He may have spoken of his own personal knowledge, having attended Cook on his last visit to these islands, or he may have expressed what was the current opinion at the time. What motive Kamt.lw.meha might have had in endeavouring to impose upon Captain Douglas by the story of Kalaniopuu having been poisoned by the revolted chiefs for murdering Captain Cook can only be surmised from concurrent circumstances. Certain it is, if Meares' representation of the conversations between Kamehameha and Captain Douglas is correct, that Kamehameha knowingly told Captain Douglas three distinct untruths in thus imposing upon him. We know now, from native annals and from native contemporary eye-witnesses, that Kalaniopuu was at first a willing companion of Cook, then a passive, and lastly a frightened spectator of the affray going on around him, and took no active part in the final tragedy. We know that the chiefs did not revolt from him during the remainder of his life for this or any other cause; and we know that he did not die from poison administered by the revolted chiefs, who threatened worse outrage if he refused to submit, but that he died three years after Cook, of old age and debility. It is impossible to believe that Kamehameha was ignorant of these facts, and it is but fair to infer that his motive, in thus misrepresenting things, was to screen himself from the odium and reprisals which he anticipated would follow an act in which he had been a prominent if not a chief actor. Neither Captain Cook nor Captain King mention the presence of Kiwalao, the son and heir-presumptive of Kalaniopuu, and native historians are equally silent as to his whereabouts at the time of Cook's death. In his absence, therefore, Kamehameha was the next highest chief of the blood-royal, and might naturally be supposed to have

1 Voyage of John Meares, 1787, 1788, 1789, London, 1790, p. 374.

resented and forcibly resisted the attempted abduction of his aged uncle, and to have taken an active part in the affray which ensued. The persistent efforts of Captain Cook to bring Kalaniopuu on board of his ship, and his unprovoked firing upon the canoes in the bay, would have been enough to fire the blood of civilised men into resistance, much more that of a semi-barbarous chief; and if Kamehameha "took an active part in the unfortunate affray," as Portlock says, the impartial historian will not blame him.

On the 20th and 21st of February, "Eappo and the king's son" brought what remained of the bones of Captain Cook on board of the "Eesolution," and Eappo having been dismissed with a request to tabu the bay, the bones were committed to the deep with military honours; and on the 22d of February, in the evening, the ships left Kealakeakua Bay for the last time. "The natives, at the time," Captain King says, " were collected on the shore in great numbers, and as we passed along, received our last farewells with every mark of affection and good-will."

On the 24th February, being off the south side of Maui, in the channel between Kahoolawe and Lanai, canoes from Maui came alongside to sell provisions, and Captain King learned from them that they had already heard of the transactions at Kealakeakua and the death of Captain Cook.

Going to the southward of Lanai, and rounding the east and north points of Oahu, the ships anchored off the mouth of the Waialua river on the 27th February. The two captains and Captain King landed, and, he says, "we found but few of the natives, and those mostly women; the men, they told us, were gone to Morotoi to fight1

1 The "Tahy-terree" of Captain distracted condition at the time, and

King was the well-known Kahekili, individual free lances from Oahu

king of Maui. The report of Waialua, were probably engaged on the sides

orOahumen, warring against £aAe£i7i of contending chiefs; but in 1779

on Molokai is hardly correct. There Kahahana, the Oahu king, had but

is no doubt that Molokai was in a lately returned from Maui, where he Tahy-terree, but that their chief, Perreeoranee,1 who had stayed behind, would certainly visit us as soon as he heard of our arrival."

On the ist of March, the ships not finding watering facilities at Waialua, and having crossed the channel on the 28th, anchored in their former places off Waimea, Kauai. Of their welcome there Captain King writes:— "We had no sooner anchored in our old stations than several canoes came alongside of us, but we could observe that they did not welcome us with the same cordiality in their manner and satisfaction in their countenances as when we were here before. As soon as they got on board, one of the men began to tell us that we had left a disorder amongst their women, of which several persons of both sexes had died. As there was not the slightest appearance of that disorder amongst them on our first arrival, I am afraid it is not to be denied that we were the authors of this irreparable mischief."

On the first day of their stay at Waimea the wateringparty experienced much trouble and annoyance from the natives, who were apparently left' to themselves in the absence of their chiefs, and who demanded a hatchet as the price for each cask of water that was filled, and who strove in different ways to obtain possession of the musquets of the marines. When the party were getting into the boats to return on board, the natives commenced throwing stones and made a rush for the boats. Two musquets were fired at them, and they dispersed, leaving one fellow wounded on the beach. The next day, however, no further trouble was experienced, some of the chiefs having apparently returned, and the watering-place being tabued by the erection of small white flags around it.

had assisted Kahekili in his wars lani. He, and the only one of that

against Kalaniopuu of Hawaii, and name who was king of Oahu, died

the rupture between Kahekili and about the year 1770. The one that

Kahahana did not occur till some- Captain King refers to must have

time afterward, in 1780-81. been a namesake and an inferior chief

1 "Perreeoranee,"properlyPefeioAo- in the Waialua district.

.

Several chiefs having come off on board on the 3d of March, Captain King learned that contentions and wars had occurred between the two high chiefs Kaneoneo and Keawe1 in regard to the goats which Captain Cook had left at Niihau, and that during the period of dispute the goats had been killed.

The mother and sister of Keawe, and also Kaneoneo, visited the ships, making presents to Captain Clarke.

On the 8th of March the ships left Kauai and anchored at their former station at Niihau, and on the 15th of March took their final departure for the north.

Thus ended the episode of Lono (Captain Cook), but its influence on the Hawaiian people was lasting and will long be remembered. He came as a god, and, in the untutored minds of the natives, was worshipped as such; but his death dispelled the illusion; and by those whom he might have so largely benefited he is only remembered for the quantity of iron that for the first time was so abundantly scattered over the country, and for the introduction of a previously unknown and terrible disease.2 As education and intelligence are spreading, however, among the natives, they will gradually learn to appreciate the benefits that have followed and will continue to follow in the wake of his first discovery. The reproaches that have been levelled at his memory will gradually fade, as men learn to judge others according to the standard of the times and the exceptional circumstances under which they lived and had to act; and while time will eradicate the evils attributed to Cook's arrival, time will also bring into greater prominence the advantages and blessings, the light and the knowledge, to which his discovery opened the

1 I have referred to Kaneoneo before in note to page 164. Keawe was another grandson of Peleioholani of Oahu.

- S. M. Kamakau states that fleas and mosquitoes were unknown in the Hawaiian group until the arrival of Cook's ships.

portals, and enable future historians, be they native or foreign, to draw a truer, more just, and more generous balance. In contemplating what the Hawaiians were one hundred year3 ago and what they are this day, no candid person can fail to kindly remember the man who first tore the veil of isolation that for centuries had shrouded the Hawaiians in deeper and deeper growing darkness, who brought them in relation with the civilised world, and who pointed the way for others to bring them that knowledge which is power and that light which is life.

After Captain Cook's death and the final departure of the two ships, Kalaniopuu dwelt some time in the Kona district, about Kahaluu and Keauhou, diverting himself with Hula performances, in which it is said that he frequently took an active part, notwithstanding his advanced age. Scarcity of food, after a while, obliged Kalaniopuu to remove his court into the Kohala district, where his headquarters were fixed at Kapaau. Here the same extravagant, laissez-faire, eat and be merry policy continued that had been commenced at Kona, and much grumbling and discontent began to manifest itself among the resident chiefs and the cultivators of the land, the "Makaainana." Imakakaloa, a great chief in the Puna district, and Nuuanupaahu, a chief of Naalehu in the Kau district, became the heads and rallying-points of the discontented. The former resided on his lands in Puna, and openly resisted the orders of Kalaniopuu and his extravagant demands for contributions of all kinds of property; the latter was in attendance with the court of Kalaniopuu in Kohala, but was strongly suspected of favouring the growing discontent.

One day, when the chiefs were amusing themselves with surf-swimming off Kauhola, in the neighbourhood of Halaula, Nuuanupaahu was attacked by an enormous shark. He perceived his danger too late, and the shark bit off one of his hands. Nothing daunted, Nuuanupaahu sprang to his feet, and standing upright on the surf-board, shot through the surf and landed safely. But from loss of blood and exhaustion he died a few days after at Pololu, and the court of Kalaniopuu was thus relieved from further anxiety in that quarter.

It appears from the native accounts that at this time Kiwalao, the son of Kalaniopuu, and his mother, Kalola, were absent on Maui, on a visit to her brother Kahekili. Messengers were sent to recall them to Hawaii, and in the meanwhile the court moved from Kohala to the Waipio valley in Hamakua district. When Kiwalao arrived, a grand council of the highest chiefs was convened, at which, with the approval of the chiefs present, Kalaniopuu proclaimed Kiwalao as his heir and successor in the government and the supervision of the tabus and the "palaoa pae," and he intrusted the care of his particular war-god, Kukailimoku, to his nephew Kamehameha, who was, however, to be subordinate to Kiwalao. The Heiau of Moaula, in Waipio, was then put in repair and consecrated to the service of the war-god aforesaid.

Having thu3 arranged his worldly and spiritual affairs to his satisfaction, Kalaniopuu started with his chiefs and warriors for Hilo, in order to subdue the rebel chief of Puna. In Hilo Kalaniopuu consecrated the Heiau called Kanowa, in Puueo, to the service of his war-god; then took up his abode at Ohele, in Waiakea, and then the war with Imakakoloa commenced. The rebel chieftain fought long and bravely, but was finally overpowered and beaten. For upwards of a year he eluded capture, being secreted by the country-people of Puna. In the meanwhile Kalaniopuu moved from Hilo to the Kau district, stopping first at Punaluu, then at Waiohinu, then at Kamaoa, where he built the Heiau of Pakini in expectation of the capture of Imakakaloa. Finally, exasperated at the delay, and the refuge given to the rebel chief by the Puna people, Kalaniopuu sent Puhili, one of his Kahus, to ravage the Puna district with fire, i.e., to burn every village and hamlet until Imakakoloa should be found or the people surrender him. Commencing with the land of Apua, it was literally laid in ashes. It 'is said that through some accident one of Imakakoloa' s own nurses became the means of betraying his hiding-place. He was found, captured, and brought to Kalaniopuu in Kamaoa, Kau.

Imakakoloa is represented to have been a young man of stately aspect, and with hair on his head so long as to have reached to his heels. That he had secured the affection of his people is shown by the war he waged and the shelter he found among them when the war was over, and he was hunted as an outlaw by Kalaniopuu s warriors and servants.

When Imakakoloa was to be sacrificed at the Heiau of Pakini, the performance of the ceremony devolved on Kiwalao, as representing his father. The routine of the sacrifice required that the presiding chief should first offer up the pigs prepared for the occasion, then bananas, fruit, &c, and lastly, the captive chief. But while Kiwalao was in the act of offering up the pigs and fruit, Kamehameha catches hold of the slain chief and offers him up at the same time, and then dismisses the assembly.

The native authorities intimate that Kamehameha was instigated to this act of insubordination by some chiefs who, in fomenting strife and jealousy between the two cousins, saw an opportunity of profit to themselves. As no names of such Hawaiian Achitophels are given in the native accounts, it may possibly be but a surmise of Kamehameha's contemporaries, who in that way sought to remove the blame from his shoulders. The more probable motive would be irritation and a sense of slight at being superseded, as it were, by Kiwalao in the performance of the sacrifices to that particular god which Kalaniopuu had officially and solemnly intrusted to his care at Waipio. While, therefore, native chroniclers do not go deep enough in search of motives to an act that doubtless coloured the subsequent intercourse of the cousins, and left its sting in both their breasts, the resentment felt by Kamehameha at what he considered an intrusion upon his prerogative may very likely have been fanned into flame by evil counsellors.

This daring act of Kamehameha created an immense excitement in the court circle of Kalaniopuu and among the chiefs generally, and not a few looked upon it as an act of rebellion. When Kalaniopuu was informed of the transaction, he called Kamehameha privately to his side, and told him that the sentiment of the chiefs about the court was so bitter and hostile to him that it would be difficult to answer for his safety, and advised him kindly to leave the court and go to Kohala for a season, but to be careful to attend to the observances due to his god Kukailimoku.

Kamehameha took his uncle's advice, and in company with his wife Kalola,1 his brother Kalaimamahu? and the god Kaili, he left Kau, and passing through Hilo, went to Halawa, his patrimonial estate in Kohala, where he remained till the death of Kalaniopuu.

From Kamaoa Kalaniopuu moved down to Kaalualu and Paiahaa, and from there to Kalae, where he attempted to dig a well in order to obtain good water, but failed to reach it. In his anger and disappointment he killed the soothsayer who had endeavoured to dissuade him from so fruitless, an attempt.

Intending to go to Kona once more, Kalaniopuu left the seashore of Kalae and went up to Kailikii, in Waioa

1 Kalola was the daughter of Kumti- 1 Kalaimamahu was the son of

koa, who was the sou of Keaweikeka- Keouakalanikupuapaikalani and Ka

hialiikamoku, the king of Hawaii, and makaeheukuli, who was a daughter of

his wife Kane-a-Lae. Kalola after- Haae, of the famous Mahi family in

wards had Kekuamanoha, a younger Kohala, and his wife Kalelemauli

brother of Kahekili of Maui, for hus- okalani. Kalaimamahu was the

band, and became the mother of the father of the late Kekauluohi, who

valiant and faithful Manono, the wife was mother of the late King Luna

of Kekuaokalani, a nephew of Kame- lilo. hamcha.

hukini, where he sickened and died some time in the month of January 1782.1 Of course his exact age cannot be ascertained, but he was very old, and probably upwards of eighty years old when he died.

It has been often asserted that Kalaniopuu was the son of Peleioholani, and that his mother, Kamakaimoku, was pregnant with him when Kalaninuiamamao brought her to Hawaii as his wife from Oahu, where her mother and brothers were living at Waikele, in the Ewa district; and it is said that his mother called him Ka-lei-opuu, after the ivory ornament with braids of human hair worn as a necklace by the Oahu chiefs, which name the Hawaii chiefs and nurses (Kahu) perverted to Kalaniopuu. The truth or error of this assertion was apparently an open question in Kalaniopuu's own lifetime, and will probably ever remain so.

During the last years of Kalaniopuu! s life, Kahekili, the Maui king, invaded the Hana district of Maui, which since 1759 had been an appanage of the Hawaii kingdom. Successful this time, Kahekili reduced the celebrated fort on the hill of Kauwiki and reannexed the Hana district to the Maui dominion. The particulars will be given when treating of Kahekili's reign among the Maui sovereigns.

Kalaniopuu had at different times of his life six wives; their names were—

(1.) Kalola, the great tabu chiefess of Maui, daughter of Kekaulike and his wife Kekuiapoiwanui. With her he had but one child, Kiwalao, who succeeded him as king of Hawaii.

(2.) Kalaiwahineuli, the daughter of Heulu and his wife Kahikiokalani, and thus a cousin on his mother's side. With her he had a son, Kalaipaihala, great-grandfather of the present queen-dowager, Emma Kaleleonalani.

(3.) Kamakolunuiokalani, with whose pedigree I am not acquainted. With her he had a daughter, Pualinui, who became the mother of the late Luluhiwalani of Lahaina.

1 Jarves in his history says that Kalaniopuu died in April 1782. I know not Jarves' authority.

(4.) Mulehu, of a Kau chief family. With her he had a daughter, Manoua or Manowa, who became the grandmother of the late Asa Kaeo, and great-grandmother of the present Peter Kaeo Kekuaokalani. With another husband, named Kalaniwahikapaa,1 Mulehu became the grandmother of the late A. Paki, and great-grandmother of the present Mrs. Pauahi Bishop.

(5.) Kanekapolei is claimed by some to have been the daughter of Kauakahiakua, of the Maui royal family, and his wife Umiaemoku; by others she is said to have been of the Kau race of chiefs. With her he had two sons, Keoua Kuahuula and Keoua Peeale. The former contested the supremacy of Hawaii with Kamehameha after the death of Kiwalao; the latter made no name for himself in history.

(6.) Kekuohi or Kekupuohi, with whose pedigree I am not acquainted, and who had no children with Kalaniopuu.

Maui.

After Piilani's death (p. 87), his oldest son, Lono-a-Pii, Lono-a-pu. followed him as the Moi of Maui. His character has been severely handled by succeeding generations and the legends they handed down. He is represented as unamiable, surly, avaricious—unpardonable faults in a Hawaiian chieftain. His niggardliness and abuse of his younger brother, Kiha-aPiilani, drove the latter into exile and brought about his own downfall and death, as already narrated on page 98.

Lono-a-Pii's wives were—Kealana-a-waauli, a great granddaughter of Kahakuokane, the sovereign of Kauai, and grandson of Manokalanipo. With her he had a daughter called Kaakaupea, who became the wife of her uncle Nihokela, and mother of Piilaniwahine, the wife of Kamalalawalu. Lonoapii had another daughter named Moihala, from whom descended Kapuleiolaa, one of the

1 Son of Kumukoa-a-Kcawe and Kavldhoa (w).

wives of Kanaloauoo and ancestress of Sarai Hiwanli, wife of the late Hon. John Ii.

There is a legend, or rather a version, of the war which Umi-a-Liloa undertook against Lono-a-Pii on behalf of his brother Kihapiilani, which states that when Umi arrived with his fleet at Hana, he was informed that Lono-a-Pii had died, and that a son of his named Kalanikupua reigned in his stead, and had charge of the fort of Kauwiki at Hana; that Umi was disposed to spare the young man and allow him to remain on the throne of his father, but Piikea, Umi's wife, strongly opposed such clemency, and persuaded her husband to prosecute the war and place Kihapiilani as Moi of Maui. I know not the source of this version, but finding it among the legends of this period, and it being the only one which mentions a son of Lono-a-Pii, I refer to it under reserve. Kihapiilani. Kihapiilani, who thus forcibly succeeded his brother as Moi of Maui, had been brought up by his mother's relatives at the court of Kukaniloko of Oahu, and only when arrived at man's estate returned to his father on MauL Having, as before related, through the assistance of his brother-inlaw Umi obtained the sovereignty, he devoted himself to the improvement of his island. He kept peace and order in the country, encouraged agriculture, and improved and caused to be paved the difficult and often dangerous roads over the Palis of Kaupo, Hana, and Koolau—a stupendous work for those times, the remains of which may still be seen in many places, and are pointed out as the " Kipapa" of Kihapiilani. His reign was eminently peaceful and prosperous, and his name has been reverently and affectionately handed down to posterity.

Kihapiilani had two wives—(i.) Kumaka, who was of the Hana chief families, and a sister of Kahuakole, a chief at Kawaipapa, in Hana. With her he had a son named Kamalalawalu, who succeeded him as Moi of Maui. (2.) Koleamoku, who was daughter of Hoolae, the Hana chief at Kauwiki, referred to on page 99. With her he had a son called Kauhiokalani, from whom the Kaupo chief families of Koo and Kaiuli descended.

Kamcdalawalu followed his father as Moi of Maui. He *««•«'«'«

walu.

enjoyed a long and prosperous reign until its close, when his sun set in blood and disaster, as already narrated on page 123, &c His reputation stood deservedly high among his contemporaries and with posterity for good management of his resources, just government of his people, and a liberal and magnificent court according to the ideas of those times, and in recognition of all which his name was associated with that of his island, and Maui has ever since been known in song and saga as Maui-aKama. His sumptuous entertainments of the two Hawaii kings, Keawenui-a- Umi and his son Lonoikamakahiki, are dilated upon in the legends; and Maui probably never stood higher, politically, among the sister kingdoms of the group than during the life of Kamalalawalu.

There are no wars mentioned in the legends as having been undertaken by Kamalalawalu except the one against Zonoikamakahiki of Hawaii, in which Kamalalawalu lost his life, and in which the old king's obstinacy was the cause of the disaster that befell his army and himself. But from certain allusions in the legends the inference may with great probability be drawn that the chiefs of Lanai became subject or tributary to Maui during this reign; but whether through war or negotiation is not apparent.

Kamalalawalu had only one recognised wife, PiilaniiDahine. She was the daughter of his cousin Kaakaupea, who was the daughter of Lono-a-Pii, and who in the family chants was also known by the name of Kamaikawekiuloloa. With this wife he had six children, four boys and two girls, named respectively Kauhi-a-kama, Umikalakaua, Kalakauaehu-a-kama, Pai-kalakaua, Piilanikapo, and Kaunoho. The first succeeded him as Moi of Maui; the third, through his children Kawaumahana, Kihamahana, and i Moihala, became widely connected with the aristocracy of the other islands, and progenitor of several still living families. Of the other four children of Kamalalawalu little is known.

Kauhi-a-kama followed his father on the throne of Maui. It is related of him that when Kamalalawalu was meditating and preparing for the invasion and war on Hawaii, he sent Kauhi on a secret mission to explore and report upon the condition, resources, and populousness of the Kohala and Kona districts; and that Kauhi performed his mission so carelessly or ignorantly, that, on his return to Maui, he led the old king to believe that those districts were but thinly peopled and totally unprepared to resist an invasion; and that this incorrect report from his own son confirmed Kamalalawalu in his project of invasion. It is further related that after the disastrous battle at Hokuula, where Kamalalawalu and the best part of his army perished, Kauhi escaped to Kawaihae, where he hid himself among the rocks for two days until discovered by Hinau, who assisted him and procured a canoe, in which they crossed over to Maui.

Eeturned to his own island, Kauhi assumed the government left vacant by the death of his father, and gratefully remembered the services of Hinau by heaping wealth and distinction upon him, until, in an evil hour, Hinau was enticed to return to Hawaii on a visit, was caught by the orders of Lonoikamakahiki, slain, and sacrificed at theHeiau.

Of the subsequent career of Kauhi not much is said in the legends. It appears, however, that at the close of his reign he headed an expedition to Oahu; that having landed at Waikiki, he was met by the Oahu chiefs, and was defeated and slain, his body exposed at the Heiau of Apuakehau, and that great indignities were committed with his bones. And it is further said that the memory of this great outrage instigated his descendant, Kahekili, to the fearful massacre of the Oahu chiefs, when, after the battle at. Niuhelewai, he had defeated the Oahu king, Kahahana, and conqiiered the island.

Kauhiakama, like his father, had but one recognised wife, Kapukini. She was the daughter of Makakaualii, the grandson of Keliiokaloa, of the Hawaii reigning family, and sister to the celebrated Iwikauikaua. Their only known son was Kalanikaumakaowakea, who followed his KaUmif ather as Moi of Maui. Peace and its attendant blessings owaiua. obtained on Maui during his reign; and not a cloud abroad or at home gave rise to an item in the legend or the chants referring to his name among the Mois of Maui.

Kalanikaumakaowakea had two wives—(i.) Kaneakauhi, or, as she was also called, Kaneakalau. With her he had a son, Lonohonuakini, who succeeded him as Moi, and a daughter, Piilaniwahine, who became the wife of Ahu-a-I, of the great I family on Hawaii, and mother of Lonomaaikanaka, the wife of Keaweikekahialiiokamoku and mother of Kalaninuiamamao. (2.) Makakuwahine, a daughter of Kanelaaukahi and his wife Kamaka, of the Keaunui-a-Maweke-Laakona family. With her he had a son named Umi-a-Liloa, from whose three children, Papaikaniau, Kuimiheua, and Uluehu, a number of prominent chief families descended. Kalanikaumakaowakea had another son called Kauloaiwi, but whether with the first or second wife, or with some other, is not very clearly ascertained.

Zonohonuakini ascended the throne of Maui under the zywkonuaflattering auspices of peace and prosperity bequeathed by his father, and, with singular good fortune, succeeded in maintaining the same peaceful and orderly condition during his own reign also. Though the yearly feasts and the monthly sacrifices were performed as usual, though bards gathered to the chieftain's court to chant the deeds of his ancestors and extol the wealth and glory of his own reign, yet the smooth and placid stream of this and the preceding reigns left no ripple on the traditional record, and considering the convulsed condition of the neighbouring islands, this absolute silence is their noblest epitaph. Lonohonuakini's wife was Kalanikauanakinilani, with VOL. IL 0

whom he had the following children:—Kaulahea, a son, who succeeded his father in the government; Lonomakaihonua, who was grandfather to the celebrated bard Keatdumoku; Kalaniomaiheuila, mother of Kalanikahimakeialii, the wife of Kualii of Oahu, and, through her daughter Kaionuilalahai, grandmother of Kahahana, the last independent king of Oahu, of the Oahu race of chiefs, who lost his life and his kingdom in the war with Maui in 1783.

Kaulahea. Kaulahea continued the same peaceful policy as his father and grandfather had pursued, and Maui deservedly rose to be considered as a model state among its sister kingdoms of the group. It is probable, however, that during this period were sown the seeds of disintegration which in the next two reigns destroyed the independence and autonomy of the island of Molokai, whose chiefs in their internal divisions and quarrels began to seek outside support, some from Maui, some from Oahu.

But no prospect of foreign conquests, however tempting, induced Kaulahea to forsake the peaceful path of his fathers, and no domestic troubles with his feudal chiefs distracted his attention or impoverished his resources.

Kaulahea had two wives — (1.) Kalanikauleleiaiwi, daughter of Keakealani, the sovereign queen of Hawaii, and half-sister of Keawekekahialiiokamoku, already referred to on page 128. With her he had a daughter named Kekuiapoiwanui, also known in the chants by the names of Kalanikauhihiwakama and Wanakapu.1 (2.) Papaikaniau, also known as Lonoikaniau, the daughter of his

1 I am aware that certain genealo- his son Kekavlike, and that Keawe gists contend that Kekuiapoiwanui and his wife complied with the rewas the daughter of Keawe and Kal- quest. I know not how old that anikauleleiaiwi; that she was born assertion may be ; but I am certain at Olowalu or TJkumehame while her that neither David Malo, who was said parents were on a visit to Maui; instructed by Ulumeheikei Hoapilithat Kaulahea, the Moi of Maui, and kane, nor S. M. Kamakau, who was then living at Wailuku, hearing of particularly well informed in the Maui the event, sent to Keawe and asked genealogies, so understood it or so that the new-born child be given to expressed it. It was a matter of him to be brought up as a wife for frequent occurrence in those days uncle, Umi-a-Liloa. With her he had a son named Kekaulike, also known by the name of Kalaninuikuihonoikamoku, who succeeded him as Moi of Maui.1

Kekaulike's reign over Maui continued for a long time Kekaulike. on the same peaceful and prosperous footing as that of his predecessors; but towards the close of his life, after the death of Keawe of Hawaii, the civil war then raging on Hawaii presented too tempting an opportunity for invasion, possibly conquest, or at least unresisted plunder, and Kekaulike assembling his fleet and his warriors, started on the expedition recorded on page 133. It was a raid on a grand scale, that brought no laurels to Kekaulike's brow, and did not materially cripple the resources of Hawaii.

We know that Kekaulike died the year that Kamehameha I. was born, 1736-40, probably nearer the former year, and thus we have here a starting-point for computing the generations of chiefs on Maui.

When Kekaulike was on his death-bed, while being brought from Mokulau in Kaupo—where he landed on his return from the raid on Hawaii—to Wailuku, he appointed his son Kamehamehanui as his successor, thus breaking the rule of primogeniture which generally was observed on such occasions. But this deviation from a common rule was probably based upon the consideration that not only was Kamehamehanui an Alii Niaupio, being the son of Kekuiapoiwanui, but also that the said mother was of higher rank than Kahawalu, the mother of Kekaulike's first-born son, Kauhiaimokuakama.

Kekaulike enjoyed the company of several wives, and was blessed with a numerous progeny. We know who

that high chiefesses visited the other 1 It is said by some genealogists

islands and contracted alliances ac- that Kaulahea had another son named

cording to their own liking, and as Kanaluihoae, who was the father of

long as they liked. They were as Namakeha, of whom more hereafter;

much at liberty to have more than but I am inclined to follow those who

one husband as the high chiefs were represent Kanaluihoae as the son of

to have more than one wife, and the Uluehu, a brother of Papaikaniau,

whole life of Kalanikauleleiaiwi shows the wife of Kaulahea, and his cousin,

that she availed herself of her privi- Kanaluihoae's mother was Kalani

leges in that respect. iauhialiiohaloa.

was his first wife, but the order in which the others were obtained is not certain. They probably were contemporary with each other, or nearly so.

The wives and children of Kekaulike were— (i.) Kahawalu, from the Kaupo or Hana chief families. With her he had but one son, the aforesaid Kauhiaimokuakama, whose ambition and whose fate is mentioned on page 140-42. Of this Kauhi's descendants, the most prominent in Hawaiian history was his daughter's1 son, Kalaiinoku, famous in the latter part of the wars of Kamehameha I., and as prime minister of the kingdom after Kamehameha's death. That branch of the family is now extinct; but from another daughter2 of Kauhi, who became one of the wives of Keaumokupapaia, there still survives a grandson in the valley of Pelekunu, on Molokai.

(2.) Kekuiapoiawanui, who was his half-sister, as before stated. With her he had the following children :—Kamehamehanui, a son who succeeded his father as Moi of Maui. Kalola, a daughter, who became the wife of Kalaniopuu, the king of Hawaii, and bore to him his son and successor, Kiwalao. She was also at one time the wife of Keouakalanikupua, Kamehameha I.'s father, and with him had a daughter, Kekuiapoiwa Liliha, who became the mother of Keopuoleini, the queen of Kamehameha I. Kalola was also the mother of a girl, KalanikauikikUokalaniakua, who in those days was one of the highest tabu chiefs, on whom the sun was not permitted to shine, and who, unless with extraordinary precautions, only

1 Kamakahukilani. She was of the after Kaumualii's death, and of Kea

Kaupo Koo family. Her mother's hikuni Kekauonohi, a granddaughter

name was Luukia. She married Keku- of Kamehameha 7.

amanoha, one of Kekaulike's sons with 2 KalolawahUani. With Keaumo

Haalou, and thus became the mother kupapaia she had a son, Keakakiloht,

of Kalaimoku, mentioned above; of who, with Kamahanakapu—a daugh

his brother Poki, whose turbulent ter of Kawelookalani and his wife

career met a tragical close on a sandal- Naonoaina, the former a brother of

wood expedition to the New Hebrides Kamehameha I., the latter a grand

in 1829; and of a daughter, Kahaku- daughter of Kaiakea of Molokai—

haakoi, who became the mother of begat a son, Kalaniopuu, the person

Kahalaia, the first governor of Kauai referred to above.

moved about when the sun was so low as not to throw its beams upon her head. There was another daughter of Kekaulike and Kekuiapoiwanui on the genealogy, named Kuhoohiehiepahu, but she is not further referred to, and probably died young. The youngest scion of this union was a son, Kahekili, who succeeded his brother Kamehamehanui as Moi, and was the last independent king of Maui.

(3.) Kane-a-Lae, daughter of Lae, one of the independent chiefs of the eastern part of Molokai. She had previously been one of the wives of Keawe of Hawaii. With her he had a daughter named Luahiwa, who became one of the wives of his son Kahekili.

(4.) Hoolau, daughter of Kawelo-aila, a grandson of Lonoikamakahiki of Hawaii, and of Kauakahiheleikaiwi} With her he had two sons and one daughter—Kekauhiwamoku, from whom descended Keouawahine, the grandmother of her Highness Ruth Keelikolani; Kaeokulani, who married Kamakahelei, sovereign of Kauai, and became father of Kaumualii, the last independent sovereign of that island, and grandfather of the present queen, Kapiolani, and her sisters; and Manuhaaipo, who was the mother of Kailinaoa and grandmother of Ahu Kai Kaukualii.

(5.) Haalou, daughter of Haac, the son of Kauaua-aMahi and brother of Alapainui of Hawaii, and of Kalelemauliokalani, daughter of Kaaloapii, a chief from Kau, and of Kaneikaheilani, said to have been a daughter or granddaughter of Kawelo-a-Mahunalii, who in his day was the Moi of Kauai. With her Kekaulike had one son and two daughters—(1.) Kekuamanoha, previously referred to; (2.) Namahana-i-Kaleleokalani, who was first the wife of her half-brother Kamehamehanui, with whom she had two sons, Pelioholani and Kuakini, who both died young; afterwards she became the wife of Keeaumokupapaiahiahi, the son of Keawepoepoe of Hawaii, with whom she had three daughters (Kaahumanu, Kaheiheimalie, and 1 Of the Kauai aristocracy.

Kekuaipiia) and two sons (Kecaumokuopio, known by the English name of George Cox, and Kuakini, also known as John Adams); (3.) Kekuapoi-ula, said to have been the most beautiful woman of her time, and who became the wife of Kahahana, the king of Oahu.

Kamohomoho, a high chief on Maui in the time of Kahekili, is said to have been a son of Kekaulike, but his mother's name has not been handed down.

Kamehamehanui followed his father Kekaulike as Moi of Maui. I have on previous pages described his relations with Alapainui of Hawaii, and his troubles and civil war with his half-brother, Kauhiaimokuakama. After this nothing transpired to interrupt the peace and tranquillity of Maui until the abrupt invasion by Kalaniopuu of Hawaii, about the year 1759, when the districts of Hana and Kipahulu were wrenched from the crown of Maui and became subject to Hawaii. It is probable that, although Kamehamehanui failed in retaking the fort of Kauwiki, Hana, yet to some extent he curtailed the possessions of Hawaii outside of Kauwiki, more especially on the Koolau side.

It should be mentioned that in his younger days, when quite a lad, Kamehamehanui was brought up at Moanui, Molokai, in the family of his nurse and "Kahu," Palemo, of whom several descendants still survive.

Kamehamehanui resided most of his time at Wailuku, and there he died about the year 1765. He had two wives—his half-sister, Namahana, with whom he had two children, Pelioholani and Kuakini, who both died young; and Kekukamano, whose lineage is unknown to me, and with whom he had three sons, Kalaniulumoku, KalaniJielemailuna, and Peapea, all apparently of tender age at the time of his death. Of the two first, several scions still survive; the line of the last, I believe, is extinct, Peapea himself having been killed in 1794 by the explosion of a barrel of gunpowder at the fort of Kauwiki, Hana.

When Kamehamehanui died, the government of Maui devolved by force of circumstances upon his brother KahekUi, the youngest son of Kekaulike and Kekuia- *«Ad»Kpoiioanui, and the highest chief in the absence of his sister Kalola, the wife of Kalaniopuu.

KahekUi is said, by those who knew him in mature life and later age, to have been of a stern, resolute, and reserved temper, living much by himself and avoiding crowds. He gave freely, as became a chief, but was annoyed at the boisterous iclat which his largesses elicited. He was laborious and persistent, cold, calculating, and cruel. Successful in all his enterprises during a long life, yet its close was clouded by reverses, and he presented the singular instance of a monarch who conquered another kingdom but was not able to keep his own. In an age when tattooing was declining as a custom, he made himself conspicuous by having one side of his body from head to foot so closely tattooed as to appear almost black, while the other side bore the natural colour of the skin. In a state of society where a number of wives was looked upon as an indispensable portion of a chief's establishment, KahekUi contented himself with only two wives. Being a younger son, with no prospect or expectation of ascending the throne until nearly fifty years old, he had lived as a private nobleman, a dutiful son, and a loyal brother during the two preceding reigns. But after the death of Kamehamehanui's children with Namahana, KahekUi was the highest chief on Maui, and as such assumed the government at his brother's death by common consent as of right.

I have mentioned on foregoing pages (149-57) *ne domestic trouble of KahekUi with Keeaumoku-papaia, the new husband of his sister Namahana, and his wars with Kalaniopuu, the Moi of Hawaii, up to the fall of the year 1778, and the arrival of the discovery ships under command of Captain Cook.

In 1781 KahekUi, hearing of the weakness and approaching end of Kalaniopuu, prepared his forces to recover the districts of East Maui, which for so long a time had been under the rule of the Hawaii king. Mahihelelima was still Governor of Hana, and with him were a number of Hawaii chiefs of high renown and lineage,1 Kalokuokamaile, Naeole, Malualani, Kaloku, and others. KalieMli divided his forces in two divisions, and marched on Hana by Koolau and by Kaupo. The fort on Kauwiki was invested, and the siege continued for many months. The Hawaii chiefs were well provisioned, and the fort held out stoutly until Kahekili was advised to cut off the water supply of the fort by damming and diverting the springs in the neighbourhood. The measure succeeded, and the garrison, making desperate sorties beyond their lines to procure water, were slain in numbers and finally surrendered, expecting no mercy and obtaining none. MahiJielelima and Naeole made good their escape to Hawaii,2 but the larger number of Hawaii chiefs and soldiers were slain and their corpses burnt at Kuawalu and at Honuaula. This war is called in the native legends the war of Kaumupikao.

Thus the famous fort of Kauwiki fell again into the power of the Maui king, but its prestige was gone, and we never hear of it again as a point of strategical importance.

According to the political economy of those days, Kahekili fell back from the devastated neighbourhood of Kauwiki to the large plain of Makaliihanau, above Muolea, in Hana district, and employed himself, his

1 Kalokuokamaile was the son of Malualani was the son of Kekau

Keouakalanikupuapaikalani,&ndha.\i- like, the granddaughter of Keaweoi

brotherof Kamehamelia I.; hismother Hawaii, and her husband, Kepoo

was Kulanilehua, also called Kahiki- mahoe. He was grandfather of the

kola, said to have been a grand- late Kalaipaihala of Lahaina. Ma

daughter of Mopua of Molokai. Ka- lualani's sister, Kalaikauleleiaiwi II.,

lokuokamaile, through his daughter was the great-grandmother of the

Kaohelelani, became the grandfather present queen, Kapiolani.

of the late Laanui, and great-grand- Who the last-mentioned Kalokn

father of the present Sirs. Elizabeth was I am unable to determine.

Kaaniau Pratt. 2 It is said by some that Malualani

Naeole was the same Kohala chief also escaped to Hawaii, and was

who abducted Kamehameha I. on the afterwards killed in an affray at

night that he was born. Makapala, Kohala.

chiefs, and his soldiers in planting a food-crop for the coming year. The surrender of Kauwiki maybe dated as of the early part of 1782, about the time of Kalaniopuu's death.

In order to understand the political relations between KahekUi and Kahahana, the king of Oahu, and the causes of the war between them, it is necessary to go back to the year 1773, when Kumahana, the son of Peleioholani, was deposed by the chiefs and Makaainana of Oahu. Though Kumahana had grown-up children at the time, yet the Oahu nobles passed them by in selecting a successor to the throne, and fixed their eyes on young Kahahana, the son of Elani, one of the powerful Ewa chiefs of the Maweke Ldkona line, and on his mother's side closely related to KahekUi and the Maui royal family. Kahahana had from boyhood been brought up at the court of KahekUi, who looked upon his cousin's child almost as a son of his own. What share, if any, indirectly, that KahekUi may have had in the election of Kahahana, is not known; but when the tidings arrived from Oahu announcing the result to KahekUi, he appears at first not to have been overmuch pleased with it. The Oahu chiefs had deputed Kekelaokalani, a high chiefess, a cousin to Kahahana's mother and also to KahekUi, to proceed to Wailuku, Maui, and announce the election and solicit his approval. After some feigned or real demurrer, KahekUi consented to Kahahana going to Oahu, but refused to let his wife Kekuapoi-ula go with him, lest the Oahu chiefs should ill-treat her. Eventually, however, he consented, but demanded as a price of his consent that the land of Kualoa in Koolaupoko district should be ceded to him, and also the "Palaoa-pae" (the whalebone and ivory) cast on the Oahu shores by the sea.

Hampered with these demands of the crafty KahekUi, Kahahana started with his wife and company for Oahu, and landed at Kahaloa in Waikiki. He was enthusiastically received, installed as Moi of Oahu, and great were the rejoicings on the occasion.

Shortly after his installation, KaJiahana called a great council of the Oahu chiefs and the high-priest Kaopulupulu, and laid before them the demands of KahekUi regarding the land of Kualoa and the "Palaoa-pae." At first the council was divided, and some thought it was but a fair return for the kindness and protection shown Kahahana from his youth by KaJiekili; but the high-priest was strongly opposed to such a measure, and argued that it was a virtual surrender of the sovereignty and independence of Oahu. Kualoa being one of the most sacred places on the island, where stood the sacred drums of Kapahuula and Kaahu-ulapunawai, and also the sacred hill of Kauakahi-a-Kahoowaha; and the surrender of the "Palaoa-pae" would be a disrespect to the gods; in fact, if Kahekili's demands were complied with, the power of war and of sacrifice would rest with the Maui king and not with Kahahana. He represented strongly, moreover, that if Kahahana had obtained the kingdom by conquest, he might do as he liked, but having been chosen by the Oahu chiefs, it would be wrong in him to cede to another the national emblems of sovereignty and independence. Kahahana and all the chiefs admitted the force of Kaopulupulu'$ arguments, and submitted to his advice not to comply with the demands of Kahekili.

KahekUi was far too good a politician to display his resentment at this refusal of his demands, knowing well that he could not have the slightest prospects of enforcing them by war so long as the Oahu chiefs were united in their policy, and that policy was guided by the sage and experienced high-priest Kaopulupulu. He dissembled, therefore, and kept up friendly relations with Kahahana, but secretly turned his attention to destroy the influence of Kaopulupulu in the affairs of Oahu, and create distrust and enmity between him and Kahahana. In this object he is said to have been heartily advised and assisted by his own high-priest, Kaleopuupuu, the younger brother of

Kaopulupulu, and who envied the latter the riches and consideration which his wisdom and skill had obtained for him. Moreover, the warlike preparations of his brother-in-law, the Hawaii king Kalaniopuu, cautioned him against precipitating a rupture with so powerful an ally as the Oahu king; and Kahekili was but too glad to obtain the assistance of Kahahana and his chiefs in the war with Kalaniopuu, 1777-78, Kahahana's forces arriving from Molokai just in time to share the sanguinary battle on the Waikapu common,1 related on page 153, and the subsequent events of that war.

After the return of Kalaniopuu to Hawaii in January 1779, Kahahana went over to Molokai to consecrate the Heiau called Kupukapuakea at Wailau, and to build or repair the large taro patch at Kainalu known as Paikahawai. Here he was joined by Kahekili, who was cordially welcomed and royally entertained. On seeing the fruitfulness and prosperity of the Molokai lands, Kahekili longed to possess some of them, and bluntly asked Kahahana to give him the land of Halawa. Kahahana promptly acceded to the request, not being moved by the same considerations regarding the Molokai lands as those of Oahu, Molokai having been conquered and subjected as an appanage or tributary to the Oahu crown by Peleioholani. At this meeting, while discussing KaJiahana's previous refusal to give Kahekili the Kualoa land and the "Palaoa-pae" on Oahu, Kahekili expressed his surprise at the opposition of Kaopulupulu, assuring Kahahana that the high-priest had offered the government and throne of Oahu to him (Kahekili), but that out of affection for his nephew he had refused; and he intimated strongly that Kaopulupulu was a traitor to KahaJiana.

The poisoned arrow hit its mark, and Kahahana returned to Oahu filled with mistrust and suspicion of his faithful

1 They arrived on the evening of lated by Kahekili, and joined in the the day that the famous "Alapa" next day's general battle, regiment of Kalaniopuu was annilii

high-priest. A coolness arose between them. Kahahana withdrew his confidence from, and slighted the advice of, the high-priest, who retired from the court to his own estate in Waialua and Waimea, and caused himself and all his people and retainers to be tatooed on the knee, as a sign that the chief had turned a deaf ear to his advice. It is said that during this period of estrangement Kahahana became burdensome to the people, capricious and heedless, and in a great measure alienated their good-will. It is said, moreover, that he caused to be dug up dead men's bones to make arrow-points of wherewith to shoot rats— a favourite pastime of the chiefs; and that he even rifled the tombs of the chiefs in order to make Kahili handles of their bones, thus outraging the public sentiment of the nation. That Kahahana was imprudent and rash, and perhaps exacting, there is no doubt; and that conquered chieftains' bones were the legitimate trophies of the victors is equally true; but that Kahahana would have violated the tombs of the dead—an act even in those days of the greatest moral baseness—is hardly credible, and is probably an after exaggeration, either by the disaffected priestly faction or by the victorious Kahekili plotters.

While such was the condition on Oahu, Kahekili reconquered the district of Hana, as already related, and, hearing of the death of Kalaniopuu and the subsequent contentions on Hawaii, he felt secure in that direction, and seriously turned his attention to the acquisition of Oahu. He first sent some war-canoes and a detachment of soldiers under command of a warrior chief named Kahahawai1 to the assistance of Keawemauhili, the then inde

1 It is related by S. M. Kamakau, him with some double canoes in his

that when Kahekili heard of the projected war against Kahahana,

defeat and death of Kiwalao, and and that Kamehameha had refused,

that Kamehameha had assumed the replying that when he had subdued

sovereignty of the Kona, Kohala, and the chiefs of Hilo and Kau he then

Haniakua districts on Hawaii, he would consider Kahekili's request;

then sent Alapai-maloiki and Kaulu- and that when Keawemauhili, the

nae, two sons of Kumaaiku (w) and chief of Hilo, heard of this refusal,

half-brothers of Keeaumoku-papaia- he hastened to send some double

hiahi, to ask Kamehameha to assist canoes and other costly presents to pendent chief of Hilo, in his contest with Kamehameha} He next sent his most trusted servant Kauhi to Kahahana on Oahu, with instructions to inform Kahahana in the strictest confidence that Kaopulupulu had again offered him the kingdom of Oahu, but that his regard for Kahahana would not allow him to accept it, and exhorting Kahahana to be on his guard against the machinations of the high-priest. Credulous as weak, Kahahana believed the falsehoods sent him by Kahekili, and, without confiding his purpose to any one, he resolved on the death of Kaopulupulu. Preparations were ordered to be made for a tour of the island of Oahu, for the purpose of consecrating Heiaus and offering sacrifices. When the king arrived at Waianae he sent for the high-priest, who was then residing on his lands at Waimea and Pupukea, in the Koolau district, to come to see him. It is said that Kaopulupulu was fully aware of the ulterior objects of the king, and was well convinced that the message boded him no good; yet, faithful to his duties as a priest and loyal to the last, he started with his son Kahulupue to obey the summons of the king. Arrived at Waianae, Kahulupue was set upon by the king's servants, and, while escaping from them, was drowned at Malae.2 Kaopulupulu was killed at Puuloa, in Ewa.

Thus foolishly and cruelly Kahahana had played into

Kahekili; and that this was the their brethren in other lands. Its

reason why Kahekili sent Kahahawai literal meaning is—" It is far better

and some soldiers to assist Keawe- to sleep in the sea; for from the sea

mavJiili against Kamehameha. comes life or the means of living."

1 Kahahawai was from Waihee, Those who heard it and reported it Maui. He was a special friend of found the fulfilment of the prophecy Kahekili {an "Aikane"), and was the when Kahekili, coming over the sea father of Keaholawaia and Haia. from Maui, conquered Oahu and

2 The legend relates that when caused Kahahana to be slain. Others Kaopulupulu saw his son set upon sought the fulfilment in the conquest and pursued by Kahuhana's retainers, of the group by Kamehameha coming he called out to him, "/ nui ke aho from Hawaii; others found it in the o moe i ke kai 1 No ke kai ka hoi ua arrival of the foreigners, coming over aina." This was one of those oracular the ocean with new ideas, knowledge, utterances in which Hawaiian priests and arts.

»nd prophets were as adept as any of

the hand of Kahekili, who, with his high-priest Kaleopuupuu, had for a long time been plotting the death of Kahahana's ablest and wisest counsellor.

Though executions de par le roi of obnoxious persons for political reasons were not uncommon in those days throughout the group, and by the proud and turbulent nobility generally looked upon more as a matter of personal ill-luck to the victim than as a public injustice, yet this double execution, in the necessity of which few people except the credulous Kalmhana believed, greatly alienated the feelings of both chiefs and commoners from him, and weakened his influence and resources to withstand the coming storm.

The death of Kaopulupulu took place in the latter part of 1782 or beginning of 1783.

As soon as Kahekili heard that Kaopulupulu was dead, he considered the main obstacle to his acquisition of the island of Oahu to be removed, and prepared for an invasion. He recalled the auxiliary troops under Kahahawai which he had sent to the assistance of KeawemauhUi in Hilo, and assembled his forces at Lahaina. Touching at Molokai on his way, he landed at Waikiki, Oahu. Among his chiefs and warriors of note on this expedition are mentioned Kekuamanoha, Kaiana, Namakeha, Kalaikoa, Kam.6hom.oho, Nahiolea, Hueu, Kauhikoakoa, Kahue,Kalaninuiulumoku, Peapea, Manono-Kauakapekulani, Kalanikupule, Koalaukane} Besides his own armament, he had

1 Kekuamanoha was a son of Ke- of Hilo, Hawaii. This was the same

kaulike, king of Maui, and his wife, Kaiana who went to China in 1787

Haalou. He was thus a half-brother with Captain Meares, returned to

to Kahekili. His son was the cele- Hawaii, and was finally killed in the

brated Kalaimoku, prime minister battle of Nuuana, 1796. His cousin,

during the regency of Kaahumanu. Kaiana Ukupe, the son of Kaolohaka,

His other son was Boki, at one time was father of the late Kaikioexca,

governor of Oahu. governor of Kauai.

Kaiana, also called Keawe-Kaiana- Namakeha was son of the abovea-Ahuula, was the son of Ahuula-a- mentioned Kaupekamoku and KanaKeawe, who claimed Keawe of Hawaii luihoae, a brother or cousin of Seas his father and Kaolohaka-a-Keawe kaulike of Maui. In after-life Namaas his brother. Kaiana1 s mother was keha rebelled against Kamehameha I., the famous Kaupekamoku, a grand- and was slain in battle, 1796. daughter of Ahia (w) of the / family Nahiolea was another son of the several double canoes furnished him by Keawemauhili of Hilo, and by Ke<maku,ahuula of Kau.

ICahahana was at Kawananakoa, in the upper part of Nuuanu valley, when the news came of Kahekili's landing at Waikiki, and hastily summoning his warriors, he prepared as best he could to meet so sudden an emergency.

As an episode of this war the following legend has been preserved and may prove interesting:—When the news of the invasion spread to Evva and Waialua, eight famous warriors from those places, whose names the legend has retained, concerted an expedition on their own account to win distinction for their bravery and inflict what damage they could on Kahekili's forces. It was a chivalrous undertaking, a forlorn hope, and wholly unauthorised by Kahahana, but fully within the spirit of the time for personal valour, audacity, and total disregard of consequences. The names of those heroes were Pupuka,1 Makaioulu, Puakea, Pinau, Kalaeone, Pahua, Kauhi, and

same above-mentioned Kaupekamoku and Kuimiheua II, a cousin of Kekaulike of Maui. Nahioha was father of the late M. Kekuanaoa, governor of Oahu, and father of their late majesties Kamehameha IV. and V., and of her Highness Ruth Keelikolani.

Kamohomoko is always called a brother of Kahekili in the native accounts, but I have been unable to learn who his mother was.

Kauhikoakoa was a son of Kauhiaimokuakama, the elder brother of Kahekili, who rebelled against his brother, Kamehamehanui, and was drowned after the battle near Lahaina. Kauhikoakoa's mother was Luukia, of the Kaupo Koo family of chiefs.

Kalaninuiulumoku was the son of Kamehamehanui of Maui, and Kekumano (w), and thus a brother of Kalanihelemailuna, the grandfather of the present Hon. Mrs. Pauahi Bishop.

Peapea was another son of Kamehamehanui of Maui. He was subse

quently killed at Hana by the explosion of a keg of gunpowder.

Manonokauakapekulani, also called Kahekilinuiahunu, was the son of Kahekili of Maui and Luahiwa, a daughter of Kekaulike of Maui and Kane-a-Lae (w).

Kalanikupule, son and successor of Kahekili of Maui. His mother was Kauwahine.

Koalaukane, another son of Kahekili and Kauwahine.

Kalaikoa, Hutu, and Kahu, unknown to me.

1 Pupuka, an Oahu chief of considerable importance, was father of Inaina, the wife of Nahiolea, and mother of Kekuanaoa, late governor of Oahu.

Tradition is silent on the descent and connections of the other heroes of this band. They and theirs were probably all exterminated, and not being maritally connected with the victorious side, no scions were left to chant their names

Kapukoa. Starting direct from Apuakehau in Waikiki, where Kahekili's army was encamped and organising preparatory to a march inland to fight Ifahahana, the eight Oahu warriors boldly charged a large contingent of several hundred men of the Maui troops collected at the Heiau. In a twinkling they were surrounded by overwhelming numbers, and a fight commenced to which Hawaiian legends record no parallel. Using their long spears and javelins with marvellous skill and dexterity, and killing a prodigious number of their enemies, the eight champions broke through the circle of spears that surrounded them. But Makaioulu, though a good fighter was a bad runner, on account of his short bow-legs, and he was overtaken by Kauhikoakoa, a Maui chief. Makaioulu was soon tripped up, secured, and bound by Kauhikoakoa, who, swinging the captive up on his own shoulders, started off with him for the camp to have him sacrificed as the first victim of the war. This affair took place on the bank of the Punaluu taro patch, near the cocoa-nut grove of Kuakuaaka. Makaioulu, thus hoisted on the back of his captor, caught sight of his friend Pupuka, and called out to him to throw his spear straight at the navel of his stomach. In hopes of shortening the present and prospective tortures of his friend, and knowing well what his fate would be if brought alive into the enemy's camp, Pupuka did as he was bidden, and with an unerring aim. But Makaioulu, seeing the spear coming, threw himself with a violent effort on one side, and the spear went through the back of Kauhikoakoa. Seeing their leader fall, the Maui soldiers desisted from farther pursuit, and the eight champions escaped.

In the beginning of 1783—some say it was in the month of January—Kahekili, dividing his forces in three columns, marched from Waikiki by Puowaina, Pauoa, and Kapena, and gave battle to Kahahana near the small stream of Kaheiki. Kahahana's army was thoroughly routed, and he and his wife Kekua-poi-ula fled to the mountains. It is related that in this battle Kauwahine, the wife of KahekUi, fought valiantly at his side.

Oahu and Molokai now became the conquest of KahekUi, and savagely he used his victory.

For upwards of two years or more Kahahana and his wife and his friend Alapai1 wandered over the mountains of Oahu, secretly aided, fed, and clothed by the country people, who commiserated the misfortunes of their late ting. Finally, weary of such a life, and hearing that Kekuamanoha, the uterine brother of his wife Kekuapoiida, was residing at Waikele in Ewa, he sent her to negotiate with her brother for their safety. Dissembling his real intentions, Kekuamanoha received his sister kindly and spoke her fairly, but having found out the hiding-place of Kahahana, he sent messengers to KahekUi at Waikiki informing him of the fact. KahekUi immediately returned peremptory orders to slay Kahahana and Alapai, and he sent a double canoe down to Ewa to bring their corpses up to Waikiki. This order was faithfully executed by Kekuamanoha; and it is said that the mournful chant which still exists in the Hawaiian anthology of a bygone age under the name of " Kahahana" was composed and chanted by his widow as the canoe was disappearing with her husband's corpse down the Ewa lagoon on its way to Waikiki.

The cruel treachery practised on Kahahana and his sad fate, joined to the overbearing behaviour and rapacity of the invaders, created a revulsion of feeling in the Oahu chiefs, which culminated in a wide-spread conspiracy against KahekUi and the Maui chiefs who were distributed over the several districts of Oahu. KahekUi himself and a number of chiefs were at that time living at Kailua; Manonokavxikapekulani, Kaiana, Namakeha, Nahiolea, Kalaniulumoku, and others, were quartered at Kaneohe and Heeia; Kalanikupule, Koalaukane, and Kekuamanoha were at Ewa, and Hueu was at Waialua.

The Oahu leaders of the conspiracy were Elani, the

1 I have been unable to learn who this Alapai was, and of what family. VOL. II. P

father of Kahahana, Pupuka, and Makaioulu, above referred to, Konamanu, Kalakioonui, and a number of others. The plan was to kill the Maui chiefs on one and the same night in the different districts. Elani and his band were to kill the chiefs residing at Ewa; Makaioulu and Pupuka were to kill Kahekili and the chiefs at Kailua; Konamanu and Kfdaikioonui were to despatch Hum at Waialua. By some means the conspiracy became known to Kalanikupule, who hastened to inform his father, Kahekili, and the Maui chiefs at Kaneohe in time to defeat the object of the conspirators; but, through some cause now unknown, the messenger sent to advise Hueu, generally known as Kiko-Hueu, failed to arrive in time, and Hum and all his retainers then living at Kaowakawaka, in Kawailoa, of the Waialua district, were killed. The conspiracy was known as the " Waipio Kimopo" (the "Waipio assassination), having originated in Waipio, Ewa.

Fearfully did Kahekili avenge the death of Hueu on the revolted Oahu chiefs. Gathering his forces together, he overran the districts of Kona and Ewa, and a war of extermination ensued. Men, women, and children were killed without discrimination and without mercy. The streams of Makaho and Niuhelewai in Kona, and that of Hoaiai in Ewa, are said to have been literally choked with the corpses of the slain. The native Oahu aristocracy were almost entirely extirpated. It is related that one of the Maui chiefs, named Kalaikoa, caused the bones of the slain to be scraped and cleaned, and that the quantity collected was so great that he built a house for himself, the walls of which were laid up entirely of the skeletons of the slain. The skulls of Elani, Konamanu, and Kalakioonui adorned the portals of this horrible house. The house was called "Kauwalua," and was situated at Lapakea in Moanalua, as one passes by the old upper road to Ewa. The site is still pointed out, but the bones have received burial.

The rebellion of the Oahu chiefs appears to have had its supporters even among the chiefs and followers of Kahekili. Kalaniulumoku, the son of Kamehamehanui and nephew of Kahekili, took the part of the Oahu chiefs, and was supported by Kaiana, Namakeha, Nahiolea, and Kaneoneo, 1 the grandson of Peleioholani. Their struggle 'was unsuccessful, and only added to the long list of the illustrious slain. Kalaniulumoku was driven over the Pali of Olomana and killed; Kaneoneo was killed at Maunakapu, as one descends to Moanalua; Kaiana, Nahiolea, and Namakeha escaped to Kauai. A number of chiefesses of the highest rank—"Kapumoe"—were killed, mutilated, or otherwise severely afflicted. Kekelaokalani, the cousin of Kahahana's mother and of Kahekili, made her escape to Kauai. As an instance of deep affection, of bitterness of feeling, and of supreme hope of return and revenge at some future day, it is said that she took with her when she fled some of the Oahu soil from Apuakehau, Kahaloa, Waiaula, and Kupalaha at Waikiki, and deposited it at Hulaia, Kaulana, and Kane on Kauai.

The events above narrated bring us down to the early part of 1785.

While Kahekili was carrying on the war on Oahu and suppressing the revolt of the Oahu chiefs, a serious disturbance on Maui had occurred which gave him much uneasiness. It appears that he had given the charge of his herds of hogs that were running in the Kula district and on the slopes of Haleakala to a petty chief named Kukeawe. This gentleman, not satisfied with whatever he could embezzle from his master's herds, made raids upon the farmers and country people of Kula, Honuaula, Kahikinui, and even as far as Kaupo, robbing them of their

1 In 1779 we have seen that Kaneo- there during those troublous times, neo was on Kauai. He had been con- is not well known. After the overtending with his cousin Keawe for throw and death of Kahahana he the supremacy of Niihau and the probably returned to Oahu in the possession of the goats left there hope that the chapter of accidents by Captain Cook, and he had been might prepare a way for him to reworsted in the contest. What brought cover the throne that his father had him to Oahu, and what part he played lost.

hogs, under pretext that they belonged to Kahekili. Indignant at this tyranny and oppression, the country people rose in arms and a civil war commenced. Kukeawe called the military forces left by Kahekili at Wailuku to his assistance; a series of battles were fought, and finally Kukeawe was killed at Kamaole-i-kai, near Palauea, and the revolted farmers remained masters of the situation.

When Kahekili was informed of this disturbance and its upshot, he appointed his eldest son and heir-apparent, Kalanikupule, as regent of Maui, and sent him back there at once with a number of chiefs to restore order and to pacify the people, while he himself preferred to remain on Oahu to ensure its subjection and to reorganise that newly conquered kingdom.

Kalanikupule departed for Maui, accompanied by his aunt, Kalola, the widow of Kalaniopuu, and by her new husband, Kaopuiki; by her daughters, Kekuiapoiwa Liliha, widow of Kiwalao, and Kalanikauikikilo; and by her granddaughter, Keopuolani. His brother Koalaukane, and his uncle Kamohomoho, and a noted warrior chief named Kapakahili, were also sent off as his aids and counsellors. Kalanikupules personal popularity, his affable manners, and the supreme authority vested in him, soon tranquillised the revolted country people, who had only risen in defence of their own property against the unauthorised oppression of Kukeawe, and peace and order was again established on Maui.

While the events above narrated were transpiring on Oahu and on Maui, Kamehameha I. had fought and won the battle of Mokuohai, in which Kiwalao, the son and successor of Kalaniopuu, was slain, had assumed the sovereignty of the districts of Kona, Kohala, and Hamakua, on Hawaii, and was carrying on desultory war with Keawemauhili and Keouakuahuula, the independent chiefs of Hilo and Kau, with varying and not very marked success. Towards the close of the year 1785 or beginning of 1786, during a truce between the contending

.

cliiefs on Hawaii, Kamehameha L, probably considering the defenceless condition of Maui on account of the absence of most of the prominent chiefs with Kahekili on Oahu, and deeming the opportunity favourable, fitted out an expedition under command of his younger brother, JKalanimalokuloku-i-kapookalani, to retake the districts of Hana and Kipahulu which had been reconquered by Kahekili during the last year of Kalaniopuvls life. The expedition landed successfully, and soon took possession of the coveted districts. Contrary to all previous practice, Malokuloku scrupulously caused to be respected the private property of the country people and farmers, and thereby not only secured the good-will of the inhabitants towards the Hawaii invaders, but earned for himself the sobriquet of Keliimaikai (the good chief), by which he was ever after known.

As soon as Kalanikupule received tidings of this invasion, he immediately sent Kamohomoho with what forces he could muster to drive the invaders out of Maui. The hostile armies met on the Kipahulu side of the Lelekea gulch, and the battle waged with great fierceness. After hard fighting the Hawaii troops were driven back as far as Maulili, in Kipahulu, where they were joined by a reinforcement under Kahanaumaikai, and the battle continued. But victory rested with the Maui troops, and what were not killed of the Hawaii expedition fled back to Kohala. Keliimaikai narrowly escaped with his life, and would have been captured but for his timely rescue by his Kahu, Mulihele, who hid him until nightfall, when, by the assistance of the country people, whom his kind treatment had conciliated, he obtained a passage over to Hawaii; and it was remarked of Kamehameha, as an instance of his love for this younger brother, that he wa3 more rejoiced at his safe return than grieved at the loss . of the expedition.

It was in this year, 1786, that the first vessels after the death of Captain Cook visited the Hawaiian Islands. The "King George" and "Queen Charlotte," from London, commanded by Captains Portlock and Dixon, touched at Kealakeakua Bay on the 26th of May; but finding the natives troublesome, and no chief of apparently sufficient authority to keep them in order, they left on the 27th, touched off the east point of Oahu on 1st June, anchored at Waialae Bay on 3d June, discovered Waikiki Bay as a preferable anchoring ground,1 and touched at Waimea, Kauai, on the 13th June. In the fall of that year those ships returned to the islands, again visiting Hawaii, Maui, Oahu, and Kauai, for the purposes of trade. Having anchored off Waikiki,2 Kahekili came on board, and during their stay treated them hospitably and kindly.3 In December of that year, while at Kauai, they met with Kaeo, the principal chief, and Kaiana* who appears to have found a refuge there from the dire vengeance which Kahekili had executed upon the Oahu chiefs and their sympathisers.

On the 28th May 1786, La Perouse, commanding the French exploring expedition, anchored near Lahaina on Maui. He was favourably received, but did not meet with Kahekili, who was then on Oahu.

In August 1787, Captain Meares in the ship "Nootka"

1 Portlock says that he found the pired, it was either a false report, or country "populous and well culti- effectually checked by the vigilance vated." constantly displayed by the crews,

2 On December i, 1786, Portlock and dread of firearms, the effect of describes Kahekili as "an exceedingly which the king, at his request, had stout, well-made man, about fifty been shown." The native accounts years old, and appears to be sensible, make no mention of any such plot, well disposed, and much esteemed by 4 Jarves, loc. ext., calls Kaiana a his subjects." He says further, that brother of Kaeo. Kaiana's mother, at that time Kahekili drank no awa, Kaupekamoku, was a daughter of nor would he touch any spirits or Kukaniauaula, of whom I have no wines that were offered him on board, direct genealogy, but whom I have

3 Jarves, quoting from Portlock's reason to believe was the same as "Voyage Bound the World," says Papaikaniau, the wife of the Maui that "an old priest who came fre- kingKaulahea, and grandmother of quently on board informed Captain Kaeo. Hence the high rank which Portlock that there was a plot brew- Kaupekamoku enjoyed among her ing to cut off both vessels. As no contemporaries; and hence Kaiana other evidence of such a design trans- was a cousin of Kaeo.

arrived at the islands in company with the " Iphigenia," Captain Douglas. While at Kauai, Kaiana embarked with Captain Meares for a voyage to Canton, and was returned the following year in the "Iphigenia;" but Kaeo having become inimical to him in his absence, he proceeded in the ship to Hawaii, where at KartiehameJw!s request he landed with his foreign acquired property, including guns, powder, &c, in January 1789. His high aristocratic connections, his well-known personal bravery, his at the time large, miscellaneous, and valuable property, and the fact of his having visited "Kahiki," those foreign lands of which the legends told and of which Kualii sang, procured for him a distinction at the court of Kamehameha, that in the end turned his head with vanity and ambition and caused his ruin.

At this period a number of vessels, following in the tracks of those just mentioned, chiefly occupied in the fur trade on the north-west coast of America, visited the islands for refreshments and for trade, touching regularly on their passage to and from China, bartering arms and ammunition with the different chieftains, and not a few runaway seamen from those vessels became scattered over the islands.1

Among those trading vessels was the American snow "Eleanor," Captain Metcalf, accompanied by her tender, a small schooner called the "Fair America," under command of the son of Captain Metcalf. The vessels had been trading off the coasts of Hawaii during the winter months of 1789, and, leaving the tender off Hawaii, the larger vessel went over to Maui and anchored off Honuaula in the month of February 1790, and trading was com

1 It became quite fashionable for skill and adroitness in managing fire

every chief of note to have one or arms, and in many other things

more of these runaway foreigners in hitherto unknown to'the Hawaiians,

his employ. They were not always made them valuable to the chiefs,

the best specimens of their class, but who aided them to run away from

they made themselves serviceable as their ships, or even kidnapped them

interpreters and factors in trading if other means failed, as will be seen

with the foreign ships; and their hereafter.

menced with the natives. The native accounts state that the captain was an irritable and harsh man, and liberal in his use of the rope's-end on trifling provocations; yet trade was continued and his ill-usage submitted to for the gain the common people thought they obtained in the barter of their commodities for those that the foreigner brought them.

Kalola, the widow of Kalaniopun, with her new husband, Kaopuiki, and her family, were at this time giving at the village of Olowalu, some fifteen miles from where Metcalf's vessel was anchored. Hearing of the arrival of the trading ship at Honuaula, Kaopuiki got ready a number of hogs and other produce, and started for Honuaula to trade for musquets, ammunition, and such other articles. It is not known that Kaopuiki received any bad usage from Captain Metcalf, although others did; but noticing that the ship's boat was left towing astern during the night, Kaopuiki formed the design of getting the boat into his possession. The following night the plan was carried into effect, the boat was cut adrift from the vessel, the watchman, who had fallen asleep in her, was killed, the boat towed ashore and broken up for the sake of the iron fastenings, and Kaopuiki and his men returned to Olowalu.

When the loss of the boat and the death of the seaman were ascertained in the morning, Captain Metcalf fired on the people ashore, and took two prisoners, from one of whom belonging to Olowalu it is thought that he received information as to who the party was that had stolen his boat. In a day or two the vessel left her anchorage at Honuaulu and came-to off Olowalu. The following day Kalola put on a tabu in connection with some festival or commemoration relating to her own family; the tabu to be binding on all for three days, no canoes to leave the shore, and the being burned alive was the penalty of disobedience. This tabu was called "Mauumae." On the fourth day the tabu was taken off, and the native canoes crowded to the vessel for the purposes of trade. Canoes from the immediate neighbourhood of Olowalu and Ukumehame, from Lahaina, Kaanapali, and from Lanai, came, in good faith and suspecting no harm, to exchange their produce for the coveted articles of the white man's trade.

But Captain Metcalf meditated a terrible revenge for the loss of his boat and the death of his seaman.1 As the eanoes collected around the ship, he ordered the guns and small arms to be loaded, and the unsuspicious natives 'were ordered to keep their canoes off the waists of the ship, and 'when any strayed either under the bows or the stern, they were pelted with stones or other missiles until they rejoined the fleet of canoes lying off either broadside of the ship waiting for the trade to commence. When all

1 Jarves in his History, page 69, mentions that "the bones of the murdered seaman and the remains of the boat, for which a reward was offered, had been delivered up; and the natives supposing the anger of the captain appeased by the attack he had already made, innocently asked for the promised reward. This he said they should have." This circumstance is not referred to in the native accounts, which merely state that when the boat had been towed a long distance from the ship the sleeping sailor woke up and began to cry out for help ; but the ship was then too far off to hear him, and that then, to stop his cries, he was killed and thrown overboard from the boat. No mention of any rewaYd^is made, or of the recovery of the bones~:of the seaman and the remnants of the boat, though such may have been the case. The tragedy enacted at Olowalu was horrible enough without the spice of such accursed perfidy; yet, if Mr. Young—who was on board of the '' Eleanor" at the time, and subse

offeredfor the boat and the man, Mr. Metcalf was informed that the former was broken to pieces and the latter had been killed. The bones of the man were then demanded, which, with the stem and the sternpost of the boat, were carried on board the snow in about three days." On demanding their reward, "Mr. Metcalf replied they should have it, and immediately ordered all the guns to be loaded and fired among the canoes." But Mr. Young was dead some years before Mr. Jarves arrived, and as Mr. Dibble, who knew Mr. Young well in his lifetime, says nothing in his History of the islands of the recovery of the remains or of the promised reward, on which the native narrative is equally silent, I am inclined to think that either Young's memory was somewhat confused, or that Vancouver misunderstood Young. The dead seaman thrown overboard in the middle of Maalaea Bay would probably have been food for sharks before it drifted ashore; and as the boat was taken

quently resided and died on the 1 and broken up at Olowalu, and no islands—had so reported it, it un- communication had with the ship doubtedly was so. In Vancouver's -lintil the day of the massacre, I think Voyage, vol. ii., page 136, edition the story of the recovery and the 1798, Vancouver says that "Young reward as prima facie doubtful, stated that on a reward being

was ready, Captain Metcalf mounted on the rail and gave orders to open the ports of the ship, that had hitherto been closed. The guns of the ship, loaded with small shot and grapnel, and the musketry of the sailors, were fired in the crowd of canoes lying within easy range on both sides. The carnage was immense. Over a hundred natives were killed outright, and several hundred more or less seriously wounded. The confusion, the wailing, the rush to escape, was indescribable.1

After this cruel and wanton vengeance on an innocent and unsuspecting multitude—for the main trespasser, Keopuiki, was not among the slain, and does not appear to have been afloat that day—Captain Metcalf lifted his anchor and proceeded to Hawaii to join his tender, the "Fair American."

It was probably in the morning of the 17th March 1790 that the tender was captured off Kaupulehu, in North Kona, by Kameeiamoku,2 a great chief and supporter of Kamehameha, and all the crew killed, including Metcalf's son, excepting the mate, Isaac Davis, whose life, from some sudden impulse of compassion, was spared.3

1 "The bodies of the slain were chiefs, his relatives—Kalaukoa, Madragged for with fish-hooks" (after nukoa, Kanuha, and Keakaokalani— the vessel had sailed), "and collected and a quantity of trade as a pretext in a heap on the beach, where their for boarding. At a given signal the brains flowed out of their skulls."— crew were attacked, young Metcalf Moolelo Hawaii, by D. Malo. thrown overboard and drowned, and

2 Grandson of Kalanikauleleiaiwi, the rest of the crew killed except wife of Keawe of Hawaii. Having Isaac Davis.

gone on board of Metcalf's ship one Vancouver relates (p. 137, vol. ii.),

day, he was, for some reason not that on the 22d March Kamehameha

recorded, beaten with a rope's-end. I. and Young set out for where the

Smarting under the indignity offered schooner was, that he severely repri

to him, he vowed to avenge himself manded Kameeiamoku for his breach

on the first foreign vessel that fell in of hospitality and inhumanity, and

his power. Not long after, the un- ordered the schooner to be delivered

fortunate tender came in his way. up to him in order to be restored to

Her crew consisted of only five men the owner. Kamehameha I. also

and the captain. Fitting out his took the wounded Davis under his

canoes, Kameeiamoku went off to special care and as a companion to

the sloop, taking with him a number Young.

of retainers, seven of whom are men- 3 See Vancouver for particulars,

tioned by name, and four other vol. ii. p. 139, ed. 1798.

The vessel was hauled ashore, the booty of guns, ammunition, articles of trade, and the wounded prisoner, Davis, were afterwards taken to Kamehameha, then stopping at Xealakeakua, where Metcalf's ship, the "Eleanor," was lying. On the same day a party of seamen from the "Eleanor," with the boatswain, John Young, had been ashore. Young, who had wandered inland and been separated from his shipmates, found his return to the beach barred by orders of Kamehameha, who, having obtained a quantity of arms and ammunition, was anxious of having a foreigner in his employ who knew how to use them and keep them in order. When the boat's crew returned to the ship, John Young was missing. Captain Metcalf remained two days off the bay, firing guns and awaiting Young's return; but Kamehameha having received intelligence of the capture of the tender by Kameciamoku, and having heard of the massacre at Olowalu, would not permit a canoe to leave the beach or go alongside the ship, lest Metcalf should retaliate as he had done on Maui.

The two captive foreigners, Young and Davis, finding their lives secure and themselves treated with deference and kindness, were soon reconciled to their lot, accepted service under Kamehameha, and contributed greatly by their valour and skill to the conquests that he won, and by their counsel and tact to the consolidation of those conquests.

It is not clearly stated by native authorities in what manner the feud between Kamehameha and Keawcmauhili of Hilo had been composed. Certain it is that during the summer of this year (1790), Kamehameha, assuming the style of "Moi" of Hawaii, sent to Keawemauhili of Hilo and Keoua-Kuahuula of Kau to furnish him with canoes and troops for a contemplated invasion of Maui. Keawemauhili complied with the summons of Kamehameha, and sent a large force of men and canoes under command of his own sons Keaweokahikiona, Meele or Elelule, Koakanu, and his nephew Kalaipaihala. Keoua-Kuahuula positively refused to obey the summons, acknowledging no feudal obligations to Kamehameha, and deeming the projected war with Maui as unwise and unprovoked.

Having collected his forces in Kohala, Kamehameha. crossed the Hawaii channel, making his descent in Hana, and, as the natives say, his canoes covered the beach from Hamoa to Kawaipapa.

When Kalanikupule heard 'of the landing of Kamehameha at Hana, and that he was marching with his force through the Koolau district, he sent KapakahUi with the best troops he had through the Hamakua districts to meet and resist the progress of the invader.

Of the campaign in Hamakualoa some mementoes are still pointed out. The fortified position at Puukoae on Hanawana, which was attacked and taken by Kamehameha, who had brought his fleet round from Hana. The hill is known as "Kapuai-o-Kamehameha," to the west of the Halehaku stream, where he encamped for the night after taking Puukoae. Here his war-god Kukailimoku was paraded around the camp, to ascertain by the usual auguries—the more or less erect position of the feathers, &c—the issue of the campaign; and the answers being favourable, Kamehameha engaged KapakahUi in battle the following morning. For some time the result was uncertain, but reinforcements having come up to Kamehameha, the Maui forces were routed, and fled as far as Kokomo, where a final stand was made. Fighting desperately, and with hardly a hope of retrieving the fortune of the day, Kapakahili encountered Kamehameha on the field, and one of those single combats ensued in which the fate of an empire depends on the personal prowess of one or the other of the combatants. Kapakahili was killed, the Maui men fled and dispersed, and the road to Wailuku lay open to Kamehameha.

After this victory Kamehameha moved his fleet to Kahului, and hauled up his canoes from there to Hopukoa without opposition. After two days of preparation he marched on to Wailuku, where Kalanikupule awaited him with such forces as he had been able to collect. This 'battle was one of the hardest contested on Hawaiian recc-Td. We have no detailed account of the disposition of the forces on either side; we only know that the battle commenced at Wailuku and thence spread up the Iao valley, the Maui army defending valiantly every foot of the ground, but being continually driven farther and farther up the valley, Kamehameha's superiority in the number of guns, and the skilful management of the same under the charge of Young and Davis, telling fearfully upon the number of his foes, and finally procuring him the victory. The author has conversed with people who were present at the battle and escaped with their lives, and they all tell that before the battle commenced the women and children, and the aged who could move, were sent up on the mountain-sides of the valley, where they could look down upon the combatants below. They speak of the carnage as frightful, the din and uproar, the shouts of defiance among the fighters, the wailing of the women on the crests of the valley, as something to curdle the blood or madden the brain of the beholder. The Maui troops were completely annihilated, and it is said that tha. corpses of the slain were so many as to choke up the waters of the stream of Iao, and that hence one of the names of this battle was "Kepaniwai" (the damming of the waters).

Kalanikupule, his brother Koalaukani, Kamdhomoho, and some other chiefs escaped over the mountain and made their way to Oahu. Kalaniakua, Kekuiapoiwa Liliha, and her daughter Jfeopuolani, crossed over to Olowalu, where they joined their mother, Kalola, and after a hurried preparation they all left for Molokai, and took up their residence with Kekuelikenui at Kalamaula.

It does not appear that Kamehameha took any active steps at this time to secure the conquest of Maui by leaving garrisons or organising the government. The island was completely conquered, its fighting force destroyed, its land wasted, and its chiefs seeking refuge on Oahu and Molokai. It is probable that his intention was to follow up his victory by an invasion of Oahu, where Kahekili still ruled with unbroken force. But deeming it an object of sound policy to come to some terms with Kalola, and, if possible, get her daughters and granddaughter in his possession, he sent a messenger named Kikane ahead to Molokai to request of Kalola that she would not go to Oahu, but go back with him to Hawaii, where she and her daughters would be provided for as became their high rank. He then re-embarked his forces, and leaving Kahului, sailed to Kaunakakai, on Molokai, deeming it prudent also to secure the adhesion of its chiefs before proceeding to Oahu.

"When Kamehameha arrived at Kaunakakai he was informed that Kalola was very sick and not expected to live long. He at once went over to Kalamaula and had an interview with her, renewing his request that she should confide her daughters and granddaughter to his care and protection. To which Kalola is said to have replied, "When I am dead, my daughters and granddaughter shall be yours." Not long after this Kalola died and was mourned with the customary rites attending the death of so high a chief ess. The custom of "Moepuu was observed, so was tattooing and other practices. Even Kamehameha had some of his teeth knocked out in token of sorrow. When the mourning season was ended Kalola's bones were deposited in Konahele, and Kamehameha took charge of her daughters and granddaughter, not only as a legacy from the mother, but as a seal of reconciliation between himself and the older branch of the Keawe dynasty, the representatives of Kiwalao.

When the funeral rites were finished and the tabus taken off, and the creed and customs of the time permitted business to be attended to, Kamehameha dispatched two

'1 See vol. i. p. 108.

n